The Coat of Arms of Moses of Mardin
András
Mércz
Pázmány Péter Catholic University
Avicenna Institute of Middle Eastern Studies
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James E. Walters
Beth Mardutho: The Syriac Institute
2019
Volume 22.2
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https://hugoye.bethmardutho.org/article/hv22n2mercz
András Mércz
The Coat of Arms of Moses of Mardin
https://hugoye.bethmardutho.org/pdf/vol22/HV22N2Mercz.pdf
Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies
Beth Mardutho: The Syriac Institute, 2019
vol 22
issue 2
pp 345–393
Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies is an electronic journal
dedicated to the study of the Syriac tradition, published semi-annually (in
January and July) by Beth Mardutho: The Syriac Institute. Published since 1998,
Hugoye seeks to offer the best scholarship available in the field of Syriac
studies.
Moses of Mardin
Coat of Arms
Ferdinand I
Catholic
Syrian Orthodox
File created by James E. Walters
Abstract
The core of this paper is an edition of
Moses of Mardin’s grant of arms, which, accompanied by relevant excerpts from his
unpublished Syriac correspondence, provides new information on the life of this
16th-century Syrian Orthodox monk, who played an
important role at the dawn of the European Syriac scholarship. He was not only
granted with a coat of arms, but he was also received by Ferdinand I, which shows
the importance of his major achievement, the edition of the Syriac New Testament.
The paper points out that he lived in the Jesuit college in Vienna with the scions
of the most influential noblemen, which illustrates his social milieu. It will be
argued that he remained Syrian Orthodox despite his earlier Catholic profession of
faith. It will also be argued that Moses acquired the right to bear the described
coat of arms without ennoblement, and he probably did not use it.
Introduction
The 16th-century Syrian Orthodox monk, Moses of
Mardin, is a key figure in the history of European Syriac scholarship, who did
pioneering work in several fields. He took on the lion’s share of the editio princeps of the Syriac New Testament, and he was
the teacher of the first generation of Syriac scholars in Europe. As a scribe,
he copied a vast amount of manuscripts, and as a diplomatic envoy, he worked on
the unity between the Syrian Orthodox and the Roman Catholic Churches.
The two most important corpora of sources on him are the scribal inscriptions
and colophons of the manuscripts he copied
G. Levi della Vida, Ricerche
sulla formazione del più antico fondo dei manoscritti orientali
della biblioteca vaticana. Studi e testi 92. (Città del
Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1939), 206–215, 415–423, 435;
J. Leroy, “Une copie syriaque du Missale Romanum de Paul III et son
arrière-plan historique” (Mélanges de l’Université Saint Joseph 46
[1970–1971]), 355–382 and P. G. Borbone, ““Monsignore Vescovo di Soria”,
also Known as Moses of Mardin, Scribe and Book Collector” (Khristianskii
Vostok 8 [2017]), 79–114.
and his Syriac correspondence. Ten letters came down to us from the
period 1553–1556. Two of these letters were edited and translated into Latin by
Andreas Müller, but the rest are still unpublished.
A. Müller, “Epistolae duae Syriacae amoebaeae. Una
Mosis Mardeni, Sacerdotis Syri, altera Andreae Masii, JCti et Consil.
Olim Cliviaci cum versione et notis,” in Symbolae
syriacae, ed. A. Müller (Berolini, 1673), 1–36. Jan Wim
Wesselius was planning to publish the rest, but later abandoned this
project. Cf. J. W. Wesselius, “The Syriac Correspondance of Andreas
Masius : A Preliminary Report,” in V. Symposium
Syriacum, 1988: Katholieke Universiteit, Leuven, 29‒31 août
1988, Orientalia Christiana Analecta 236, ed. R. Lavenant
(Roma: Pontificium Institutum Studiorum Orientalium, 1990), 21–29. Pier
Giorgio Borbone has recently quoted an excerpt from a letter and
announced his intention to publish the whole corpus. Cf. Borbone,
Monsignore, 84 n. 26, 113–114. The study and the edition of the letters
constitute also the basis of my forthcoming PhD.
Apart from these, Moses’ name pops up sporadically in a great variety of
sources. The last two such discoveries challenged earlier conceptions of the
beginning of Moses’ career. In 2017, Pier Giorgio Borbone drew attention to a
letter written by the Patriarch Ignatius Niꜥamatallah (1557–1576) calling Moses
‘slanderer’ and ‘excommunicated’.
P. G. Borbone, “From Tur ꜥAbdin to Rome: The
Syro-Orthodox Presence in Sixteenth-Century Rome,” In Syriac in Its
Multi-Cultural Context: First International Syriac Studies Symposium,
Mardin Artuklu University, Institute of Living Languages, 20-22 April
2012, Mardin, Eastern Christian Studies 23, eds. H.G.B. Teule, E.
Keser-Kayaalp, K. Akalin, N. Doru, M.S. Toprak (Leuven: Peeters, 2017),
277–288, here 285–287.
These words could still be considered as unkind and malignant remarks
against someone who might have been his rival in the European market of Oriental
scholars. However, another document recently published by Giacomo Cardinali
confirms the patriarch’s statements. In a letter sent to Marcello Cervini in
1549, two Syrian Orthodox pilgrims warned the cardinal to be cautious with
Moses. They claimed that he had been excommunicated by the patriarch
This is an intriguing information, because at that
time Niꜥamatallah’s predecessor, Ignatius ꜥAbdallah I (1521–1557) sat on
the patriarchal throne, who, according to the current state of research,
sent Moses to Rome as his envoy. If this letter proves to be accurate,
Moses’ mission will need to be revised.
and later when he continued his atrocities in Cyprus by forging a letter
in the patriarch’s name in order to deceive the Roman Pontiff,
If Moses did so, it would not be unprecedented. Cf.
N. S. Smelova and N. A. Lipatov-Chicherin, “Georgii, arkhiepiskop
Damasskii: samozvancheskaia intriga v istorii otnoshenii Maronitskoi
Tserkvi i Sviatogo Prestola v seredine XVI v” (Khristianskii Vostok 6
[2013]), 244–311.
he was chased away from the Syrian Orthodox community.
G. Cardinali, “Ritratto di Marcello Cervini en
orientaliste (con precisazioni alle vicende di Petrus Damascenus, Mosè
di Mārdīn ed Heliodorus Niger)” (Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance
80:1 [2018], 77–98 and 80:2 [2018], 325–343), here 340.
This letter raises many questions,
Why did they send the letter from Paris? Was the
letter written in Italian? If they, as pilgrims, were only in transit in
Rome, how did they learn Italian? Or else, who helped them in the
translation? How did they get in contact with the cardinal?
but together with Niꜥamatallah’s record, these two independent sources
make it worth considering that Moses might have had a bad record in his
homeland.
Incidentally, it might happen that Moses himself
also referred to his expulsion in one of his manuscripts. In the
colophon of the first manuscript he composed in Rome in 1549, he wrote:
“Written by the wretched Moses when he took refuge
in God in the year 1860 of the Greek Alexander, son of Philip”.
London, British Library, Ms. Harley 5512, f. 178r. Leroy tentatively
interpreted the expression ‘refuge in God’ (ܡܬܓܘܣ
ܒܵܐܬܸܘܵܣ) as ‘pérégrination en Dieu’
(Une copie syriaque, 367.), but in the light of the newest discoveries
it can be understood also literally, i.e. ‘he fled for
succour to God’, since Moses might have been actually chased
away from his home.
While these documents undermine Moses’ reputation, a new source bearing witness
to his career came up in the National Archives of Austria, where a draft of a
charter granting a coat of arms to Moses has been preserved. This paper aims to
study and publish this unique document, which – along with relevant information
from his unpublished Syriac letters – enriches our knowledge on Moses’ Viennese
life with new elements, e.g. on his relationship with King Ferdinand I, on his
dwelling place, and his suspected reordination as a Catholic priest.
1. Description of the document
Patents of arms or grant of arms (litterae armales) are
elegant diplomas issued on parchment granting the use of a coat of arms to their
possessor. The original copy of the diploma was taken by Moses and is likely
lost. The document preserved among the Acts of Imperial Ennoblement
(Reichsadelsakten–RAA) under the shelfmark 272.57 in the Austrian State Archives
is the draft of the diploma. It is written on paper and comprises five folios
with the cover. The page in the middle (f. 3) differs from the rest of the
document in size and material; it is visibly an addition. The text is full of
interlinear and marginal interpolations, many words are blacked out, and almost
half of the second page (f. 2v) is crossed out.
Another copy of the text is also preserved in the archives, since, following the
chancellery practice, the final version of the grant was copied into a registry
(Reichsregisterbuch). This contains only the first part of the document, until
the first lines of f. 4r of the draft, concluding: “ac
decentibus actibus etc ut in forma communi. Datum Viennae die XV mensis
Martii Anno Domini 1556.”
RK Reichsregister Ferdinand I. 7, 249r–250r. I owe
this reference to dr. András Oross, who helped my research in the
archives a lot, so I would like to express here my deepest gratitude to
him.
The number of corrections in the draft version is surprising, especially because
the text of the grant followed a standardized template and it could be easily
copied out from a formulary.
L. Biewer and E. Henning, Wappen.
Handbuch der Heraldik, (Köln–Weimar–Wien: Böhlau Verlag, 2017),
45–47; Csízi I., “Kora újkori nemesi címerek” in Heraldika, ed. Kollega Tarsoly I. and Kovács E. (Budapest:
Tarsoly Kiadó, 2018), 155–208, here 163–165.
It starts by giving the name and the titles of the issuer (intitulatio). This part in our case is only one word:
Ferdinand, since the draft omits the enumeration of his titles. Granting coats
of arms was a royal privilege in most European states. In the Holy Roman Empire,
the emperor delegated the right to the imperial counts palatin (comites palatini), in the Habsburg Monarchy they could be
donated by the Archduke of Austria, or later by the princes of Tirol as
well.
G. Pfeifer, “Wappenbriefe (unter besonderer
Berücksichtigung der Tiroler Verhältnisse)” in Quellenurkunde der Habsburgmonarchie (16.-18. Jahrhundert). Ein
exemplarisches Handbuch, ed. J. Pauser, M. Scheutz and Th.
Winkelbauer (Wien–München: R. Oldenbourg Verlag, 2004), 291–302, here
294–297).
Then comes the arenga, which refers to the
magnanimity of the king or emperor and his endeavour to reward merits. This
particular document makes reference to the right and just act, that the royal
majesty rewards in his munificence not only his subjects but also “aliens and
foreigners, whose integrity, moral uprightness and proper knowledge of sciences”
(f. 2r) make them commendable. The inscription (inscriptio) mentions the recipient of the grant of arms and the
narration (narratio) describes his merits. The
disposition (dispositio) contains the description of the
arms and crest along with a long enumeration of the possibilities of
application. The narratio and the description of the arms
are the two paragraphs containing personal information, where the scribe could
not continue the monotonous copying. It is no wonder that this latter section
contains the most corrections in Moses’ document, which will be discussed in
detail below. Then comes a threat of punishment (sanctio)
for those who would prevent the recipient from the exercise of the right granted
to him. The fine was 25 marks of pure gold, which was to be paid equally into
the royal treasury and for the offended side. The corroboration (corroboratio) emphasizes that the document was issued
with the signature and the seal of the king. The closing protocol (eschatocollum) contains the date and signature, but on
this draft understandably only the date is present.
The largest portion of the text follows a pattern, but a few elements are
individual to Moses. These will be discussed in the following one by one.
1. Moses and Ferdinand I (narratio)
The coat of arms was granted to Moses by Ferdinand I, who was at that time
archduke of Austria as well as king of Bohemia, Hungary, and Croatia. Former
sources bore witness to their relationship from Moses’ point of view. According
to the Latin dedication of the Syriac Gospels, for instance, which Moses copied
for the editio princeps and offered to the king, he
reckoned Ferdinand as a benefactor of Syriac Christians and a strong supporter
against Muslims and Nestorians.
Borbone, Monsignore, 102–103. The manuscript has
been preserved in Vienna (Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Ms. Syr.
1.) and is accessible online: http://data.onb.ac.at/rep/100025DA.
One of the most obvious points of significance of this grant of arms is
that it is a formal acknowledgement of Moses’ achievements by the king and
witness to their relationship from Ferdinand’s side. The king enumerated Moses’
merits with the following words:
Since you, the aforementioned Syriac priest Moses of Mardin,
are thoroughly known to us on account of the excellent talents of your
intellect, your piety, your conscientiousness and the sanctity of your life
thanks to the trustworthy and distinguished testimony of many people, and we
have understood to what a great praise you have cared for the Christian republic
by setting to type the New Testament and other very holy books in the Syriac
language, and finally what labour and diligence you have invested in this
effort, we must not only acknowledge all these things with a generous heart, but
also remunerate them with an exceptional decoration and indeed with the favour
of our munificence. (f. 2r–2v).
Words of appreciation were specific to the grants of arms, but giving such a
long account for the motivation of the issue of the document was extremely rare.
Such a personalised wording and the familiar tone applied here were fairly
exceptional.
Biewer and Henning, Wappen, 45–46; D. Maier,
“Überlegungen zum Formular von Wappenbriefen der Reichskanzlei
(1338–1500)” (Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische
Geschichtsforschung 126 [2018]), 34–52, here 39–40, 42.
Departure from the template might suggest a close or special relation
between the donator and the grantee. In fact, Moses’ personal acquaintance with
the king is attested by another evidence, too.
One of the most exciting events Moses reported to his main correspondent,
Andreas Masius,
Andreas Masius was a Flemish humanist, who learned
Syriac from Moses. He was the addressee of eight letters and the sender
of one letter. On his figure see A. van Roey, “Les études syriaques
d'Andreas Masius” (Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica 9 [1978]), 141–158;
R. J. Wilkinson, Orientalism, Aramaic and Kabbalah in
the Catholic Reformation. The First Printing of the Syriac New
Testament, (Leiden‒Boston: Brill, 2007), 77–94; idem, The Kabbalistic Scholars
of the Antwerp Polyglot Bible, (Leiden‒Boston: Brill, 2007),
39–48 and W. François, “Andreas Masius (1514–1573): Humanist, Exegete
and Syriac Scholar” (Journal of Eastern Christian Studies 61:3 [2009]),
199–244.
was undoubtedly his meeting with king Ferdinand I. He proudly described
this episode in a letter with the following words: “I would like you to know,
oh, my brother, that I wrote the Gospels on parchment (super
carta bergamono). It is a nice script with gold and silver. I offered
it to the king. He was delighted and shook hands with me, as it is customary in
Germany”.
Letter sent by Moses to Masius from Vienna, 26
March 1555: Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Ms. or. fol. 13, f. 16r. ܕܥ ܐܘ̄
ܐܚܝ ܕܐܢܿܐ ܟܬܒܿܬ ܠܐܘܢܓܠܝܘܢ ܥܠ ܘܪ̈ܩܐ ܕܡܸܫܟܐ super carta
bergamono ܟܬܝܒܬܐ ܫܦܝܪܬܐ.
ܥܡ ܕܗܒܐ ܘܣܹܐܡܐ. ܘܩܪܒܬܗ ܠܡܠܟܐ. ܘܚܕܹܝ ܒܗ ܣܰܓܝܼ ܘܝܗܒ ܠܝ ܐܝܕܗ ܐܝܟ ܥܝܳܕܐ
ܕܓܰܪܡܲܐܢܝܲܐ܀
Unfortunately, the protocols of the royal receptions of this period
perished in a fire, so we do not know more about this event, but it had to take
place sometime between 10–15 August or 9 October and 9 December 1554, because
after that Ferdinand set off to Augsburg.
A. von Gévay, Itinerar Kaiser
Ferdinanďs I. 1521–1564, (Wien: Strauhssel. Witwe Und Sommer,
1843).
Moses probably gained admittance to the king thanks to Johann Albrecht
Widmanstetter, who was, without doubt, one of those trustworthy and
distinguished people from whose testimony Ferdinand heard about Moses. He was
chancellor of Lower Austria and an intimate counsellor of the king.
On him see M. Müller, Johann
Albrecht von Widmanstetter 1506-1557. Sein Leben und Wirken,
(Bamberg: Verlag der Handels Druckerei, 1907); Wilkinson, Orientalism,
137–169 and U. Cecini, “Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter” in Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History.
Vol. VII. 1500-1600, eds. D. Thomas and J. Chesworth,
(Leiden–Boston: Brill, 2015), 235–239.
As one of the few scholars in Europe who had a basic knowledge of
Syriac, he was the one who invited Moses to Vienna after an unexpected
encounter. Moses enjoyed Widmanstetter’s hospitality for some time and spent
altogether two and a half year between 1553 and 1556 in the Habsburg
capital.
Letter sent by Moses to Giovanni Rignalmo from
Vienna, 23 November 1553: Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Ms. or. fol. 13, f.
21r ܘܗܐ
ܣܓܝ ܚܘܒܐ ܡܚܲܘܐ ܠܝܼ. ܗܘ ܘܐܢܬܬܗ “What a great
love he and his wife showed towards me.”
He bestowed much of his time on the editio
princeps, therefore it is not surprising that his contribution to the
printing of the Syriac New Testament had been highlighted as one of his major
achievements in the grant of arms. As for the other very holy books in the
Syriac language also mentioned in the document, they can be also identified.
Moses copied the book of Ezekiel, a Beth Gazo, which is a Syriac liturgical
book, and two grammatical treatises of Barhebraeus. Furthermore, he completed a
Syriac (Maronite) Missal and composed two Syriac-Arabic dictionaries.
Borbone, Monsignore, 101–106.
All these manuscripts enriched Widmanstetter’s private collection.
Apparently, Moses’ and Widmanstetter’s cooperation was mutually beneficial,
therefore, keeping in mind Widmanstetter’s influence at the chancellery, it is
not unrealistic to suppose that he might have been the initiator of granting
Moses a coat of arms.
The granting of the coat of arms on 15 March 1556 could have provided an
opportunity to another official reception by the king,
Ferdinand was in Vienna in these days. Cf. Gévay,
Itinerar.
although Moses did not give a report about it in his correspondence.
What we do know is that he was asked to complete a mission, as it becomes clear
from the letter he sent to Masius after leaving Vienna: “I arrived in Venice
with the books the king sent to our patriarch. These are namely the books of the
New Testament we completed in Vienna. And know, oh my brother, that the king
ordered 1000 books of the New Testament: he took 500 of them for himself and he
sent with me 300 to two patriarchs: to our patriarch and to the patriarch of the
Maronites.”
Letter sent by Moses to Masius from Venice, 1
August 1556: Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Ms. or. fol. 13, f. 11r ܐܬܝܬ ܠܐܒܼܷܢܸܬܣܝܲܐ ܥܡ
ܟܬ̈ܒܐ ܕܫܕܪ ܡܲܠܟܐ ܠܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ ܕܝܠܢ. ܗܿܢܘܕܝܢ.ܟܬ̈ܒܐ ܕܚܿܕܬܐ ܕܚܬܼܡܢܢ
ܒܿܰܒܼܝܷܐܢܢܲܐ. ܕܰܥ ܐܵܘ̄ ܐܳܚܝ ܕܥܒܼܕ ܡܲܠܟܐ ܐܰܠܦܵܐ ܟܬܵܒܵܐ ܕܚܿܕܬܐ.
ܚܲܡܸܫܡܵܐܐ ܡܸܢܗܘܿܢ ܐܷܚܼܕ ܐܢܘܢ ܡܲܠܟܐ. ܘܲܬܠܵܬܡܵܐܐ ܫܕܪ ܠܬܪܝܢ ܦܛܪ̈ܝܪܟܸܐ
ܥܲܡܝ. ܠܦܛܪܝܪܟܐ ܕܝܠܢ. ܘܕܡܰܪܽܘ̈ܢܵܝܸܐ..
As for the grant of arms, he did not mention it. On the contrary, he
complained to Masius saying: “He (scil. the king Ferdinand) gave me 200 books
after all this weariness. And he did not give me any dinars, but only 20
thalers. God knows that I am saying the truth in front of Him and you. From
Vienna to Venice, I spent the money on books.”
Letter sent by Moses to Masius from Venice, 1
August 1556: Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Ms. or. fol. 13, f. 11r ܘܝܲܗܒ ܠܝ ܬܪܝܢ ܡܵܐܐ
ܟܬ̈ܒܐ ܡܢ ܒܿܬܪ ܠܸܐܘܬܐ ܣܲܰܓܝܼܺ ܘܕܝܢܪ̈ܐ ܠܐ ܝܲܗܒ ܠܝ ܠܒܲܪ ܡܢ ܥܣܪܝܢ ܛܰܐܠܪ.
ܐܠܗܐ ܝܿܕܥ ܕܫܪܪܐ ܐܡܿܪ ܐܢܐ ܩܕܵܡܘܗܝ ܘܩܕܡܝܟ. ܘܐܢܿܐ ܢܸܦܩܸܿܬ ܢܦܩ̈ܬܐ ܥܠ
ܟܬ̈ܒܐ ܡܢ ܒܼܝܸܐܢܢܲܐ ܘܥܕܲܡܵܐ ܠܐܰܒܼܷܢܸܬܣܝܲܐ..
Masius added a note to this on the margin stating that Moses received
700 florins for two years. It is not known how Masius was so well-informed.
However, if this amount was true, Moses would have been an extremely well-paid
person in Vienna. Widmanstetter had a yearly salary of 500 florins as chancellor
of Lower Austria, and he obtained 200 florins additionally as commission,
probably for his work as superintendent of the university.
Müller, Johann Albrecht von Widmanstetter, 102.
Guillaume Postel, who was invited by Widmanstetter to help with the
edition of the New Testament with his experience, earned 200 florins a year as a
university teacher. With this salary, he was the best-paid professor at the
University of Vienna in 1554.
R. Kink, Geschichte der kaiserlichen Universität zu
Wien. Vol I/2, (Wien: Carl Gerold & Sohn, 1854), 164–165.
As for the living expenses, food and lodging were around 50–60 florins
per year for a student in the middle of the 16th
century.
F. Gall, Alma Mater Rudolphina, 1365–1965. Die
Wiener Universität und ihre Studenten, (Wien: Verlag Austria Press,
1965), 117.
At the Jesuit fraternity house, which was likely Moses’ dwelling place
during his Viennese years, as it will be shown below, 26 florins was the yearly
fee,
J. A. de Polanco, Vita Ignatii
Loiolae et Rerum Societatis Jesu Historia, IV Vols (Matriti:
Augustinus Avrial, 1896), Vol. IV, 250.
so with 350 florins a year one could be well-off. In the light of these
data, the 20 thalers mentioned by Moses is also an unrealistic amount to be his
total salary, and it was probably money for the journey he received before
departure.
Nevertheless, Moses apparently hoped to receive extra recognition for his work
at the end of his sojourn in Vienna and he imagined a more palpable and
exchangeable reward than the king’s appreciative words in the grant of arms. His
initial enthusiasm towards Ferdinand evaporated and he left Vienna somewhat
disappointed, with a bitter taste in the mouth.
2. The patent of arms in the light of the Ottoman wars (narratio)
According to the document, the king decided to present Moses with this grant,
“…in order that he can transmit the memory of his right acts, life and diligence
confirmed by our testimony and authority to the ones coming after, and (in
order) others be inflamed and incited to a good and right way of life by virtue
of his example. (f. 2v)” Why did Ferdinand want Moses’ example to be followed?
Beyond the fact that referring to the grantee’s exemplariness is a usual
locution of the chancellery, this phrase has a concrete meaning in Moses’ case.
Actually, not only the issue of this grant of arms but the whole project of the
Syriac publishing can be understood in light of the historical background,
namely the war against the Turks. The Ottoman threat and the siege of Vienna in
1529 fundamentally determined Ferdinand’s entire reign. Breicha-Vauthier has
already pointed out that the edition of the Syriac New Testament could serve
political goals
A. Breicha-Vauthier, “Le cadre historique de la
publication du manuscript” in Le livre et le
Liban jusqu'a 1900. Exposition, ed. C. Aboussouan, (Paris:
Unesco–Agecoop, 1982), 125–126.
and Moses himself was aware of this aspect of their work. In a
manuscript he copied in Vienna in 1556, he inserted the following note in
cryptography: “May God Almighty grant to Ferdinand, King of the Romans, the
defeat of the Turks and a happy government of the peoples subject to him.”
G. Kessel, “Moses of Mardin (d. 1592)” (Manuscript
Cultures 9 [2016]), 146–151; Borbone, Monsignore, 105–106. Borbone
described another mirror pair (taw’amān) and
explored how Moses learned this special technique. Cf. Borbone,
Monsignore, 92–95. Apparently, the use of this encrypting method is a
characteristic of Moses’ early manuscripts, because there is a mirror
pair in his very first manuscript as well (London, British Library, Ms.
Harley 5512). On f. 176v-177r one can read: ”ܒܫܡ ܐܒܐ ܘܒܪܐ
ܘܪܘܚܐ ܩܕܝܫܐ ܚܕ ܐܠܗܐ ܫܪܝܪܐ. In Nomine Patris
et Filii et Spiritus San(c)ti Amen Papa Pavlos III.” Neither
Wright in his catalogue, nor Leroy in his study referred to the presence
of this taw’amān in the manuscript, that is why it could remain
disregarded so long. Cf. W. Wright, Catalogue of
Syriac manuscripts in the British Museum acquired since the year
1838. Vol. I. (London: Gilbert and
Rivington, 1870), 214–216; Leroy, Une copie syriaque.
The Ottoman expansion worried not only the country leaders at the European front
lines but also Christians of the Near East. Already in 1527, Maronite bishops
and the bishops of Syria appealed to Emperor Charles V asking for his help. They
requested 50,000 infantrymen, 100 cavalrymen, and a fleet of 400 sailing ships
to complement their 50,000 fighters who were ready to engage in battle against
the Turks “for His Majesty”. However, their request was left unanswered, or at
least no evidence of answer has been found until now.
A. Rabbath, Documents inédits
pour servir à l’histoire du christianisme en Orient (
xvi
ᵉ‒
xix
ᵉ siècles). Vol. II, (Paris–Leipzig: A. Picard et
Fils-Otto Harrassowitz, 1910), 616–623; R. Neck, “Diplomatische
Beziehungen zum Vorderen Orient unter Karl V” (Mitteilungen des
österreichischen Staatsarchivs 5 [1952]), 63–86, here 69 and 82–85.
Although looking for possible allies in the Near East in order to attack
the Ottomans in the rear coincided with the emperor’s interests, he looked for a
more powerful partner and sent envoys further in the East, as far as the Safavid
Empire in Iran. The Habsburg–Persian alliance started haltingly but generally
worked well until 1555, when the Shah Tahmasp and Sultan Suleiman the
Magnificent closed the Ottoman–Safavid war and signed the Peace of Amasya. Thus,
it was to be feared that Ferdinand would find himself in dire straits if
Suleiman could focus on the European seat of war.
Neck, Diplomatische Beziehungen, 75; B. von
Palombini, Bündniswerben abendländischer Mächte um
Persien 1453-1600, Freiburger Islamstuditen I (Wiesbaden: Franz
Steiner Verlag, 1968), 84.
His brother, Charles having announced in 1555 his intention to retire,
already started to gradually abdicate parts of his empire. Ferdinand was to take
his seat on the throne of the Holy Roman Empire, so he had to face the loss of
their ally.
It was this particular historical situation when he decided to send 300 copies
of the Syriac New Testament to the Maronite and the Syrian Orthodox patriarchs
and to grant Moses a coat of arms. Although no official instruction assigned to
Moses has been found, he might have played a diplomatic role. Charles V and
Ferdinand as well relied several times on the service of Eastern Christians in
their diplomatic relations with Oriental powers, like Petrus Maronita and Pietro
da Negro.
Palombini, Bündniswerben, 65–85.
Offering the books to the patriarchs as a friendly gift served to
express that the king and future emperor did not forget them, whereas Moses’
diploma was concrete evidence proving that the king rewards those who help him
somehow.
3. Moses’ family (dispositio)
The grant of arms accurately defines who is authorized to use the described coat
of arms: “You, aforementioned Moses of Mardin and Your brothers, Barṣawmo, which means son of
Lent,
The document calls Moses’ eldest brother Bartoma,
which is incorrect. Presumably, the scribe did not know the name Barṣawmo, that is why Moses
had to explain, that it means son of Lent in Syriac. Apparently, the
scribe tried to write down the name by hearing and he chose a similar
sounding name.
Simeon, and Joshua, sons of the priest Isaac in the village of Qaluq at
the Mount Qoros in the province of Savur,
On the topography of this region see A. Socin, “Zur
Geographie des Ṭūr ʿAbdīn”
(Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlindischen Gesellschaft 34 [1881]),
237–269, here 265; A. Palmer, Monk and Mason on the
Tigris Frontier: The Early History of Tur ͑Abdin, University of
Cambridge Oriental Publications 39 (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1990), XIX–XXII, 21–22.
your legitimate spouses and the children born from your legitimate
marriage and the ones to be born…” (f. 2v).
A German inscription on the first page of the document resumes the content as:
“Grant of arms, Vienna, 15 March 1556. Meredineus Moses, Syrian priest and the
sons of his brothers Bartholomew and Isaac,” which is erroneous and might be the
result of a cursory reading.
„Wappenbrief. Wien, 15. März 1556. Meredineus
Moses, syrischer Priester dann die Söhne seiner Brüder Bartholomäus und
Isaak” (2r). Karl Friedrich von Frank relayed this information without
verification. Cf. K. F. von Frank, Standeserhebungen und Gnadenakte für
das Deutsche Reich und die Österreichischen Erblande bis 1806 sowie
kaiserlich österreichische bis 1823 mit einigen Nachträgen zum
Alt-Österreichischen Adels-Lexikon 1823-1918. Vol. III, (Schloss
Senftenegg: Selbstverlag, 1967), 228.
Moses’ family members can be traced very easily because he regularly made
mention of them in his writings. In his first known manuscript, which is a Latin
Missal written with Syriac letters in 1549, there is a garshuni inscription made
by Moses, in which he invokes God for his family: “Remember, Oh Lord, Moses, the
sinner and his father, the priest Isaac, and his mother, Helene, and his
brother[s], the priest Barṣawmo,
Simeon, and Joshua.”
ܐܬܼܟܪ ܐܘ̄ ܡܪܝܐ ܠܡܘܣܝ
ܐܠܟܐܛܝ ܘܠܐܒܘܗ ܩܣܝܣ ܐܝܣܚܩ ܘܐܡܗ ܗܝܠܐܢ. ܘܐܟܘܗ ܩܣܝܣ ܒܪܨܘܡܐ ܘܫܡܥܘܢ
ܘܝܫܘܥ. London, British Library, Ms. Harley 5512, f. 166v.
A similar supplication enumerating his closest relatives can be found
also in the editio princeps of the Syriac New Testament,
namely in the colophon of the Acts of the Apostles
Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii, Acts of the Apostles,
f. 38r: ܨܰܠܲܘ ܥܰܠܼ
ܡܘܽܫܸܐ ܡܚܻܝܠܐ ܒܰܪ ܩܲܫܝܫܐ ܐܝܣܚܵܩ ܡܕܢܚܵܝܵܐ ܘܥܰܠ ܐܡܗ ܗܷܠܷܐܢܻܝ. ܘܥܰܠ
ܐܚܘ̈ܗܝ ܩܲܫܝܫܐ ܒܲܪܨܰܘܡܳܐ ܘܫܸܡܥܘܢ ܘܝܫܘܽܥ ܘܟܠ ܚܰܕ ܐܝܟ ܨܠܘܽܬܗ ܢܸܬܦܪܰܥ
ܐܡܝܢ݂ Cf. A. Müller, “Dissertationes duae de rebus itidem
Syriacis, et e reliquis Mardeni Epistolis maxime. De Mose Mardeno, una;
De Syriacis librorum sacrorum Versionibus… altera. Coloniae
Brandeburgicae” in Symbolae syriacae, ed. A.
Müller (Berolini, 1673), 1–46, here 5.
and in his Beth Gazo.
Borbone, Monsignore, 106; Kessel, Moses of Mardin,
149.
This detailed display of his family makes it possible to identify other members
of his family, too. There is a reader’s note in a copy of Bar Bahlūl’s Lexicon
preserved in Halle which was made by a certain Ibrāhīm b. Qiss
Masꜥūd b. Qiss Barṣawma b. Qiss Isḥāq living in Qaluq in 1606.
J. Assfalg, Verzeichniss der orientalischen
Handschriften in Deutschland. Vol. V. Syrische Handschriften,
(Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1963), 115.
He is without doubt Moses’ great-nephew. He was not only a passionate
bookworm but also a prolific scribe.
He copied e.g. Barhebraeus’ Book
of Rays (I. A. Barṣawm, Sriṭ
oto d-Omid w-Merdo. Makhṭūṭ
āt Āmid wa-Mārdīn. Omid & Mardin Manuscripts,
ed. Ignaṭiyus Zakkay I,
(Ma‘arrat Ṣaydnāyā: Dayro
d-Mor Afrem Suryoyo, 2008) 178–179), Eliya of Nisibis’ Book of the Translator (A. McCollum, “Prolegomena to a New
Edition of Eliya of Nisibis's Kitāb al-turjumān fī taʿlīm luġat
al-suryān” (JSS 58 [2013]), 297–322, here 310) and Bar Bahlūl’s Lexicon (H. Hyvernat, “An Ancient Syriac
Lexicographer” (The Catholic University Bulletin 8 [1902]), 58–74, here
65.).
Whether he was aware of his right to use his great-uncle’s coat of arms,
we might not know, but at least there is one person who fulfilled Ferdinand’s
desire and followed Moses’ example, though not in printing but in copying
manuscripts.
4. Moses’ coat of arms (dispositio)
The draft of the grant of arms contains two heraldic descriptions, which is quite
odd. Having a closer look at them, however, one can see that they are similar,
the one being more detailed and elaborated than the other; actually, they
represent two different phases of the same coat of arms. Presumably, the scribe
showed a sketch to Moses before copying the text of the draft on the vellum, and
he must have asked for a few amendments. Thanks to Widmanstetter, Moses had
access to the offices of the Viennese administration, so he might have been
present at the moment of the composition of his grant of arms.
His first letter was written at the chancellery
“in uiena. in canzelleria di Reges Rome”.
Letter sent by Moses to Giovanni Rignalmo from Vienna, 23 November 1553:
Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Ms. or. fol. 13, f. 21r.
The scribe first tried to add the corrections in between the lines, then
continued on the margins, finally crossed out the whole description, and rewrote
it on another sheet of paper within his reach.
Judging by the inscription at the back of the
paper, it was a draft of a letter addressed to Zacharia Delfino,
Apostolic Nuntio to Germany: “Rdo Devoto syncere nobis
dilecto D. Zachariae Episcopo Pharensi S.mi D. N. Nuncio ad nos
deputato” (f. 3v).
That is why this middle folio differs from the others, and that is why
there is a seeming discrepancy in the foliation. Onto the fair copy of the
document, only the final, expanded version had been carried over.
The heraldic achievement is not depicted on either of these documents, and it is
not known whether it was displayed on the charter or not. The grant was valid
without the coloured heraldic arms, and, since the costs of the painting had to
be paid by the beneficiary, the charters sometimes remained without graphic
illustration.
Csízi, Kora újkori nemesi címerek, 165.
Nevertheless, on the grounds of the description, Moses’ coat of arms
could look like Figure 1.
The coat of arms follows the basic rules of tincture. As for the charges, both
the trimount and the church are conventional and often-used elements.
R. Steimel, “Der Dreiberg. Zum Rechtssinnbild im
Wappen” (Germanien 13 [1941]), 58–65; O. Neubecker
and W.
Rentzmann,
Wappenbilderlexikon, (München: Battenberg,
1974), 319, 331, 332, 343.
It is an enigma, however, why Moses chose these figures. Would it be an
allusion to Widmanstetter’s coat of arms, which portrays an elephant standing on
a trimount and a two-towered building also appears in the crest?
Müller, Johann Albrecht von Widmanstetter, 114.
Or are they canting arms representing somehow the bearer’s name and
attributes, which were so popular in German civic heraldry?
Biewer and Henning, Wappen, 171.
If the latter, the trimount offers an obvious interpretation, since
Moses’ home region, Turabdin is a hilly region. The two towns, Mardin and Savur,
which are associated with him, are situated on the top of a hill. As for the
church, it also can be easily explained, since Moses was clerical. The concrete
form of the church, however, might raise a question, because this part of the
escutcheon is where Moses made the most amendments: he asked to add oblong
windows to the towers, two golden crosses on the top of them, an opening door,
and three round windows, which are in a triangular form, one beneath the roof
and two at the upper part of the door. Such a nuanced description is almost
unusual in heraldry, where the stylization of the charges is an important
principle
ibid, 153.
and makes one think that Moses had a particular church in his head that
he described. However, a quest among the churches playing an important role in
Moses’ life did not bring evident result. There was no two-towered church in the
settlements of Qaluq, Savur, or Mardin, which are mentioned in the grant of arms
(f. 2v) and elsewhere as well, as Moses’ hometowns.
T. A. Sinclair, Eastern Turkey:
An Architectural & Archaeological Survey. Vol. III,
(London: Pindar Press, 1989), 207–208, 321–322.
The seat of the Syrian Orthodox patriarch was at that time in a
monastery close to Mardin, called Dayr al-Zaꜥfarān. Being the centre of Moses’
church, it was a place of symbolic importance, and Moses undoubtedly visited
it,
J. D. Mansi, Stephani Baluzii
Tutelensis Miscellanea novo ordine digesta et non paucis ineditis
monumentis opportunisque animadversionibus aucta. Vol. III,
(Lucae: Apud Vincentium Junctinium, 1762), 199–206.
but its churches do not fit Moses’ description either.
Sinclair, Eastern Turkey, 214–218.
If the church was modelled on a Viennese church, the first choice should
be the one-time Carmelite Church (Kirche am Hof), because it was the closest to
the Moses’ residence, but this church belonged to a mendicant order, which had
to avoid building ostentatious edifices and had no towers, only a roof
turret.
R. Perger and W. Brauneis, Die
Mittelalterlichen Kirchen und Klöster Wiens, Wiener
Geschichtsbücher 19, (Wien–Hamburg: Paul Zsolnay Verlag, 1977),
128–130.
Interestingly, Vienna’s iconic church, the St. Stephen’s Cathedral is
depicted with two towers on the Albertinischer Plan,
which is the oldest map of Vienna (dated 1422). What is more, they have oblong
windows, a pointed roof, and huge crosses on the top (see Figure 2). Even three
round windows in triangular form can be noticed on the side, so the resemblance
is striking. The crux of the matter is that it is a free and stylized depiction
of the church. In reality, the building operations were stalled due to lack of
money, and the Northern Tower was only 12 meters high at the beginning of the
16th century.
ibid, 59–60.
Did Moses virtually complete the church? It is questionable, and the
absence of the barrel vault is another point of difference. Nevertheless, the
other oldest and most notable churches in Vienna (Peterskirche, Ruprechtskirche,
Maria am Gestade, Michaelskirche, Schottenkloster, Minoritenkirche) do not fit
the description, either.
ibid.
Beyond the St. Stephen’s Cathedral there is another possible
identification, but there are as many reasons for it as against it. After his
return to the Near East, Moses lived in the monastery of Mār Ābay, where he
copied a manuscript in 1560/1561.
Borbone, Monsignore, 107.
This monastery is not far from his birthplace, so it is not impossible
that he was among its monks before coming to Europe, too. The church was domed
and the monastery was surrounded by a wall with two towers, but they were robust
structures serving defensive purposes, not proper church towers.
G. Wießner, Christliche
Kultbauten im
Ṭūr ʿAbdīn. Teil I. Kultbauten mit traverserem Schiff
und Felsanlagen. Textband, Studien für spätantiken und
frühchristlichen Kunst 4 (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1982),
58–60.
Thus, the identity of the church remains uncertain.
5. The crest and Moses’ dwelling place (dispositio)
As for the other parts of the armorial achievement, the helmet is an open helmet,
the mantling is gules-silver and azure-or, which was popular in that period. In
the crest, there is an angel which probably needs further interpretation. It is
puzzling why Moses asked for a blond angel with red and green wings, and why the
strip, “what the clergymen call stole” should form an X on his chest. These
criteria are, again, additions appearing only in the second, more extensive
version of the description.
In Byzantine art, angels are sometimes represented in orarion, i.e. eastern stole, which is the distinguishing mark of the
deacon in oriental rites. This portrayal had an impact on Western iconography as
well and some examples of this representation are attested in the West.
M. B. McNamee, Vested Angels:
Eucharistic Allusions in Early Netherlandish Paintings,
(Leuven: Peeters, 1998), 43–60.
It appeared even in heraldry, such an angel is depicted in the coat of
arms of Engelberg, for instance.
N
eubecker
and W.
Rentzmann,
Wappenbilderlexikon
, 147.
Moses, however, did not need to go to Engelberg to see angels wearing
orarion. He could observe them thoroughly in Vienna
when the homily was boring at the Carmelite Church (Kirche am Hof), which was
only at two steps from his supposed home.
Arriving in Vienna, Moses was probably hosted by Widmanstetter, as it was
already pointed out above, but later he moved to a student home, as it becomes
clear from an instruction he gave to Masius: “And if you, beloved Sir, write to
me, send the writing to the Alconlegio, since I live now with studiosi.”
Letter sent by Moses to Masius from Vienna, 26
March 1555: Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Ms. or. fol. 13, f. 16r ܘܐܡܼܬܝ
ܕܟܿܬܒ ܠܝܼ ܚܘܼܒܟ. ܫܕܪ ܠܰܟܬܝܒܬܐ Alconlegio ܡܛܠ ܕܥܡ
studiosi ܥܡܿܪ ܐܢܐ
ܗܵܫܐ.
This ‘conlegio’ was most likely the Jesuit
college. Juan Alfonso de Polanco noted in his Vita
Ignatii that the sons of the chancellor Jakob Jonas and other
high-ranking persons lived with the Jesuits in two small separate houses under
Jesuit discipline.
“Et ab ipsa Nostrorum habitatione sejunctae duae
domus erant non magnae, ubi quidam Dni. Jonae Cancellarii et aliorum
primariorum filii, parentum rogatu, admissi fuerunt, ut suis ibi
expensis sub nostrorum disciplina viverent…” Polanco, Vita Ignatii
Loiolae, Vol. IV, 250.
Peter Canisius, one of the most famous Jesuits in Vienna and later
provincial wanted to establish a fraternity house for the “wealthiest young
noblemen” already in 1553, but the Dominican Monastery, where the Jesuits lived
at that time provisionally, was not suitable for this goal.
In a letter sent on 12 October 1553 to Juan Alfonso
de Polanco, he wrote: “Scrisse al ultimo di una casa per nutrir et
instituir la Juuentu, con tal’ intentione, accio V. R. piu chiaramente
mi intenda, volessimo delli piu ricchi et nobilj Giouanj li quali
facilmente si troueranno, pigliare alcuno numero et metter li insieme in
vna casa vicina quanto fusse possibile, et nutrir li alli spesj loro, et
darli vn Rectore delli nostri, il quale li tenesse in buono gouerno del
anima et del cuorpo, et stesse con loro presente poi che non fusseno
occupati nelle classe.” O. Braunsberger, Beati Petri
Canisii, Societatis Iesu, Epistulae et acta. Vol I (Friburgi
Brisgoviae: Herder, 1896), 437–438.
Having taken into possession the Carmelite Monastery in April-May 1554,
the Jesuits immediately set up the student residence, which opened its gates on
4 July 1554. Initially, six or seven young adolescents, among them the four sons
of Jacob Jonas, lived there under the supervision of Johannes Dirsius, but their
number increased rapidly, up to 120 in 1574.
L. Maggio S.J., Historia Collegii
Societatis Iesu Viennensis ab anno 1550 usque ad annum 1567,
Pannonhalmi Főapátság, Ms. 118.E.5, 20;
Historia Collegii, ÖNB, Cod. 8367, 3r. On
Dirsius see L. Lukács, Catalogi personarum et
officiorum Provinciae Austriae S.I. Vol I, Monumenta Historica
Societatis Iesu 117 (Romae: Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu,
1978), 655. In 1555, King Ferdinand sent ten young German boys from
Augsburg to Vienna and tried to secure a place for them in this
convictorium. It shows the independence of the Jesuits, that only four
of them were accepted, the other six were dismissed with the king’s
consent. Cf. Polanco, Vita Ignatii Loiolae, Vol. IV, 234–235.
That Widmanstetter was also among the “high-ranking persons” sending their
relatives to the Jesuits is not a groundless supposition. He and Jacob Jonas
were good friends and they both belonged to the biggest supporters and to the
inner circle of the Society of Jesus.
Friedrich Staphylus refferred to them in a letter
sent to Canisius with the following words: “Habes istius laboris tui
fideles socios, et adiutores, magnifi. D. D. Ionam et Lucretium (i.e.
Widmanstetter), uiros et excellenti doctrina, et uitae sanctimonia
admirabiles…” Braunsberger, Beati Petri Canisii Epistulae, 562–563.
Widmanstetter maintained especially good relations with the order and he
was linked to it with thousand threads: his younger brother studied also at the
Jesuits and entered the order in 1556,
Müller, Johann Albrecht von Widmanstetter, 65;
Lukács, Catalogi personarum, 2, 818.
he asked the Jesuits’ help to acquire Japenese and Indian alphabet for
the printing press,
Braunsberger, Beati Petri Canisii Epistulae, 450.
It is not clear, what ‘Indian’ is meant for. The Jesuit mission started
in India with the arrival of Francis Xavier (1506–1552) in 1542, so, on
one hand, it could mean effectively an Indian language. But on the
other, ‘Indian’ was also used for the Ethiopian language at that time.
Widmanstetter had a copy of the first edition of the Ethiopian New
Testament and the Jesuit mission to Ethiopia also stood on the
threshold, so this sense is more likely.
and he was member of the committee set up by Ferdinand I to find a new
building for the order.
Braunsberger, Beati Petri Canisii Epistulae, 447,
n. 1; J. Wrba, “In der Nähe des Königs. Die Gründung des Jesuitenkollegs
in Wien” in Ignatius von Loyola und die Gesellschaft
Jesu 1491‒1556, ed. A. Falkner and P. Imhof (Würzburg: Echter,
1990), 331‒357.
His fame reached even the founder, Ignatius of Loyola,
Jerome Nadal, who was visitator of the province in
1555, reported to Ignatius on the printing press set up by Widmanstetter
describing the chancellor as an „huomo molto catolico
et dotto”. G. Nadal, Epistolae P. Hieronymi
Nadal, Societatis Jesu ab anno 1546 ad 1577 nunc primum editae et
illustratae a patribus ejusdem societatis. Vol. I, Monumenta
Historica Societatis Iesu (Matriti: Typis Augustini Avrial, 1898),
309–310.
so he could easily have found a place for Moses. The ultimate reason for
this hypothesis is that Moses himself mentioned Canisius in one of his letters.
Apparently, the Jesuit superior instructed him how to dress: “Do not write in
your letters ‘padre’, because I am in priestly garb here, not in a monastic
dress. Formerly, I was in Vienna in laic dress, like in the first year, and
after many times Canisius spoke with me and dressed me as a priest.”
Letter sent by Moses to Masius from Vienna, 15 July
1555: Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Ms. or. fol. 13, f. 22r: ܠܐ ܬܟܬܘܒ ܒܟܬܝܒܬܟ ܦܰܿܐܕܪܹܐ. ܡܛܠ
ܕܠܐ ܐܝܬܝ ܗܪܟܐ ܒܐܣܟܹܡܵܐ ܕܕܝܪܝܘܬܐ. ܐܠܐ ܒܐܣܟܻܡܐ ܕܩܫܝ̈ܫܐ ܘܡܢ ܩܕܡ ܙܒܢܐ
ܗܘܻܝܬ ܒܸܐܣܟܻܡܐ ܕܥܵܠ̈ܡܝܐ ܒܲܒܝܐܢܢܲܐ ܐܝܟ ܫܲܢܬܐ ܚܕܵܐ ܘܡܢ ܒܬܪ ܙܒܢ̈ܬܐ
ܣܓܝ̈ܐܬܐ ܐܡܼܪ ܠܝ ܟܲܐܢܝܻܙܻܝܵܐ ܘܠܒܫܲܢܝ ܐܝܟ ܩܫܝ̈ܫܐ. In the Middle
Ages bishops and monks or mendicant friars were called “Father”,
diocesan priests not. The use of “Father” for all priests, is a recent
practice.
Moses, therefore, lived in the immediate vicinity of the Carmelite Church
(Kirche am Hof), the high altar of which was a huge, 10 meters wide polyptych,
the masterpiece of an unidentified master called Albrechtsmeister.
Perger and Brauneis, Die Mittelalterlichen Kirchen,
130.
On the external pair of wings, the master depicted 16 invocations of the
Virgin Mary representing the angels, mostly with blond hair, red-green wings and
in some cases with orarion, just like in Moses’ crest.
See e.g. ‘Mary, Queen of Archangels’ on Figure 3.
On the history of the altar see F. Röhrig, Der
Albrechtsaltar und sein Meister (Wien: Tusch, 1981). Out of the
32 original panels 28 survived and enrich today the collection of the
Stift Klosterneuburg. Some of them, including the one entitled ‘Mary,
Queen of Archangels’ are accessible online among ‘Gotische Tafenbilder’
under inventory number 12–32 on the following link: https://www.stift-klosterneuburg.at/online-collection.
These panels became the characteristic of the church, which is called
till today ‘Church to the Nine Choirs of Angels’ (Kirche zu den neun Chören der
Engel), so it is not astonishing that they served as a source of inspiration for
Moses, too.
As for the other parts of the angel, the book of the Gospels in his hand is an
obvious allusion to Moses’ major Viennese accomplishment, the Syriac New
Testament. The standard in his right hand contains a motto in abbreviated form:
V.S.E.C. The expansion of the abbreviation is provided in the text, it means
“One Holy Catholic Church.” The elucidation of this motto is more problematic
since it is difficult to guess why Moses chose it.
6. Moses’ motto and his supposed conversion to Catholicism (dispositio)
At first sight, this motto seems to be a commitment to the Catholic Church. As a
matter of fact, ‘One’, ‘Holy’ and ‘Catholic’ are the attributes of the Church
expressed in the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed, which is acknowledged by most
of the Christian denominations: Oriental Christians as well as Catholics and
Protestants equally. Moses’ religious affiliation is a controversial issue,
which has not been fully clarified yet. Originally, he was Syrian Orthodox, but
many signs indicate that he might have converted to Catholicism. His motto
provides an opportunity to take a closer look at this question.
The most concrete evidence for his possible conversion to Catholicism is his
Catholic profession of faith he made before the Pope and the cardinals during
his second stay in Rome in 1552.
The Syriac text of this profession of faith
perished, but Masius, who was the only competent person in Syriac at
that time in Rome, prepared a Latin translation and later published it.
A. Masius, De paradiso commentarius; scriptus ante
annos prope septingentos à Mose Bar-Cepha Syro; Episcopo in
Beth-Raman & Beth-Ceno; ac Curatore rerum sacrarum in Mozal, hoc
est Seleucia Parthorum (Antverpiae: Ex Officina Christophori
Plantini, 1569), 257–262.
There are, however, many uncertainties concerning this document and its
exact status is unclear.
L. van Rompay, “Mushe of Mardin,” in Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary of the Syriac
Heritage, eds. S. Brock et alii. (Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias,
2011), 300–301. I will treat this issue in detail in another study.
There is, for instance, an inconsistency between this act and his
behaviour a few months later. In May 1553, Roman cardinals wanted to reordain
Moses in a proper, Catholic way, but he firmly resisted. He wrote to Masius in
an indignant tone calling the Roman prelates “lacking love and desiring vain
glory.”
Müller, Epistolae duae, 6.
Admittedly it was a humiliating proposition from Moses’ point of view,
but many other non-Chalcedonians had to undergo this procedure; it was an
established custom in the Catholic Church.
On this see S. Kennerley, “Ethiopian Christians in
Rome c.1400-1750,” in Religious Minorities in Early
Modern Rome, ed. E. Michelson. Forthcoming.
One of Moses’ Roman friends, the Ethiopian Giovanni Battista Negro,
alias Yohạnnǝs, was reordained and later became
the second black bishop and the first black nuncio in the history of the Roman
Church.
M. Salvadore, “African Cosmopolitanism in the Early
Modern Mediterranean: The Diasporic Life of Yohannes, the Ethiopian
Pilgrim Who Became a Counter-Reformation Bishop” (Journal of African History, 58:1 [2017]), 61–83.
If Moses really wanted to become Catholic, he only would have to allow
himself to be reordained and thus his dream would have come true. In sum,
despite his visible rapprochement to the Catholic Church, Moses left Rome as a
Syrian Orthodox.
In the light of this, it is surprising that he appears to be a Catholic priest
in Vienna according to the testimony of different documents. In the first
instance, he is referred to as a ‘Syrian Catholic priest’ in the text of the
grant of arms (f. 2r). The Syrian Catholic Church did not exist at that time, so
the word ‘Syrian’ should refer to his birthplace and ‘Catholic’ to his religion.
Moreover, Widmanstetter systematically called Moses a Catholic priest in the
edition of Syriac New Testament.
Moses is referred to as “Moses Meredinaeus ex
Mesopotamia Catholicus sacerdos” four times in the Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii.
And finally, the same appellation appears in a Latin note in a
manuscript, which was copied by Moses in Vienna in January 1556.
“…descripsit Moyses Meredinaeus Syrus presbyter
catholicus, Viennae Austriacae, mense Ianuario, Anno M.D.LVI.” Cf.
Borbone, Monsignore, 105; Kessel, Moses of Mardin, 149.
It is no wonder that reading Moses’ above-cited remark on how Canisius
instructed him how to dress, Müller was led to the conclusion that after all he
probably accepted the request to be reordained as a Catholic priest in
Vienna.
“Attamen Catholicum non omnino frustra vocat
Widmanstadius. Siquidem tandem passus est sacerdotem se denuo a
Catholico creari. Liquet hoc ex verbis ejus, quae in dorso epistolae VI.
Masio scripserat, anno MDLV 15. Julii, post absolutum jam Evangeliorum
codicem: Ne scribas (inquit) in Epistolis Padre (hoc forte titulo Mosen,
Sacerdotem jam Pontificium, honorare voluit.) Neque enim huc usque
Schema Monasticum gero. Sed Sacerdotale. Et antehac habitum Laicum
gestavi Viennae circiter annum. Postea Canisius Sacerdotali me induit
habitu.” Müller, Dissertationes duae, 6–7.
Unfortunately, the ordination protocols of the diocese of Vienna, which
could clinch the matter, are preserved only from 1574, but other circumstances
do not confirm Müller’s supposition. There were hardly any seminarians at that
time in Vienna. In a 20 years period, only 20 young priests finished their
studies, i.e. one per year on average, and the majority of the students at the
Faculty of Theology were Jesuits.
G. Heiss, “Die Wiener Jesuiten und das Studium der
Theologie und der Artes an der Universität und im Kolleg im ersten
Jahrzehnt nach ihrer Berufung (1551),” in Die
Universität Wien im Konzert europäischer Bildungszentren 14.-16.
Jahrhundert, Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für
Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 56, ed. K. Mühlberger and M.
Niederkorn-Bruck (Wien–München: Oldenbourg–Böhlau, 2010), 245–268, here
247; Polanco, Vita Ignatii Loiolae, Vol. IV, 234–235.
If Jesuits gave the bulk of the seminarians and Moses lived among them,
it would be obvious that he was reordained with them. Fortunately, the most
important ecclesiastical events are soundly documented in Jesuit sources. While
these documents make mention of Erhardus Leodiensis’ ordination in 1554 and that
of Martinus Stevordiensis and Johannes Dirsius in 1555, Moses’ name does not
appear in any of them.
Historia Collegii, ÖNB, Cod. 8367, 2r and 3v;
Polanco, Vita Ignatii Loiolae, Vol. IV, 256 and Vol. V, 227–228.
Another highly relevant source on this question is Moses’
correspondence. Interestingly Moses, unlike in the case of the failed attempt of
the Roman hierarchy, did not report about any change in his ecclesiastical
status to Masius during his Viennese period. He was so indignant when the
cardinals tried to convince him to accept their proposal that it is hard to
believe that he would have passed over a similar issue in silence.
While there is no direct evidence for Moses’ Catholic reordination, there is
robust evidence on the contrary. His most current self-designations are
religiously neutral; he usually referred to himself as Moses the Oriental, Moses
of Mardin, or Moses of Savur,
Cf. Borbone, Monsignore, 100–106. See also München,
Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cod. Syr. 6, f. 162r and Wien,
Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 15162, f. 110v.
but there are some exceptions. The ‘Catholic’ adjective never appears in
his signatures, contrary to the Jacobite, i.e. Syrian Orthodox adjective, which
does occur in some places. In the Syriac colophon of the New Testament he
offered to Ferdinand I, he professed his belonging to the denomination of the
Jacobite Syrians.
Borbone, Monsignore, 101.
According to him, the edition of the Syriac New Testament was carried
out “for the Jacobite Syrians.”
Cf. the Syriac colophon at the end of the Acts of
the Apostols of the Liber Sacrosancti
Evangelii: ܕܗܼܘ ܝܰܗܒ
ܢܸܦ̈ܩܵܬܐ ܘܰܚܬܰܡ ܗܳܠܝܢ ܟܬ̈ܒܐ. ܠܣܘܪ̈ܝܵܝܐ ܝܲܥܩܘܒ̈ܝܐ..
His religious affiliation is even more evident from his letters. Every
time the Syrian Orthodox Church came up in his correspondence, he referred to it
as his church. Writing about the books Ferdinand sent to
the Maronite and the Syrian Orthodox patriarchs, Moses called the latter “our
patriarch.”
Letter sent by Moses to Masius from Venice, 1
August 1556: Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Ms. or. fol. 13, f. 11r. See n.
20.
Writing about the Beth Gazo, Moses explained to
Masius that it contains the prayers of their church.
Letter sent by Moses to Masius from Vienna, 15 July
1555: Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Ms. or. fol. 13, f. 24v ܘܒܝܬܓܰܙܵܐ. ܕܐܝܬ
ܒܗ ܨܠܵܘܬܐ ܕܥܕܬܐ ܕܝܠܢ..
At another occasion, instructing Masius in liturgical matters Moses
wrote: “I would like you to know, oh my brother, that there is a custom in our
church, at the Jacobite Syrians, when we commemorate the saints and ask for
their intercession.”
Letter sent by Moses to Masius from Vienna, 15 July
1555: Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Ms. or. fol. 13, f. 24v ܕܥ ܐܘ̄ ܐܵܚܝ ܕܐܝܬ
ܠܢ ܥܝܵܕܵܐ ܒܥܕܬܐ ܕܝܠܢ ܣܘܪ̈ܝܝܐ ܝܥܩ̈ܘܒܝܐ. ܕܢܬܕܟܪ ܠܩܕ̈ܝܫܐ ܘܢܒܵܥܐ
ܡܛܠܬܗܘܢ..
Further examples could be provided, but these instances aptly illustrate
that Moses considered himself as a Syrian Orthodox during his Viennese
years.
Assessing this evidence, we can state that in Latin texts, which were intended
for the general public, and especially in those cases where others talked about
Moses, he appeared to be Catholic, but in Syriac texts, which were practically
not accessible for the outside world, and in his private correspondence, Moses
confessed his Orthodoxy. The best example for this dichotomy is the Gospel he
copied for Ferdinand. In the Latin dedication, he expressed his hope, that the
Catholic faith will be reinforced in his home against the Nestorians and the
Muslims and that God will gather the Syrians “under the wings of the Roman
Church and Empire,” but in the Syriac colophon, he explicitly referred to
himself as a Jacobite Syrian.
Borbone, Monsignore, 102–103.
Why was this double play necessary?
Answering this question, one must not forget the historical background: the
religious struggles of the 16th century. In Vienna,
Canisius was the front-line fighter of the Counter-Reformation. As a member of
the reform commission at the university, he stood for the dismissal of ‘heretic’
professors, while the others inclined to tolerate them as long as they did not
propagate their beliefs at lectures.
K. Mühlberger, “Universität und Jesuitenkolleg in
Wien: Von der Berufung des Ordens bis zum Bau des Akademischen Kollegs,”
in Die Jesuiten in Wien, ed. H. Karner and W.
Telesko (Wien: Austrian Academy of Sciences Press, 2003), 21–37, here
24–25.
Canisius’ religious zeal can be measured by his reaction to the
punishment of a professor at the Faculty of Arts, Nikolaus Polites, who had been
incarcerated and banished from the country. In a letter to the Jesuit Superior
General, Canisius regretted the punishment’s “leniency”, and he was of the
opinion it would encourage the “damned plague among professors and students,”
while the university was feeding “monsters and heretics.”
Mühlberger, Universität und Jesuitenkolleg, 25.
Moses’ judgment as a Syrian Orthodox was different, but his Church was basically
also considered to be heretical. Although Oriental Christians were welcomed in
Rome and there was intensive contact with the representatives of most
denominations, the negotiations aimed at purging these churches of heterodox
tenets and embracing them in the Catholic Church. Similarly, there was at that
time an ambivalent attitude to the use and legitimacy of Oriental languages,
because on one hand, they could serve missionary purposes and supply new
arguments for the theological disputes with Protestants, but on the other,
scriptures written in these languages could also contain heretical teachings
which could be controlled at the expense of great difficulties. Several interest
groups contested with each other at the Roman Curia, and with the shift of power
relations, it also could change quickly whether Oriental studies and publishing
were supported or prohibited. Pope Paul III (1534–1549) and Cardinal Marcello
Cervini, later Pope Marcellus II (1555) patronized the edition of the Ethiopian
New Testament in 1548–1549,
I. Guidi, “La prima stampa del Nuovo Testamento in
etiopico, fatta in Roma nel 1548-1549” (Archivio della R. Società Romana
di Storia Patria 9 [1886]), 273–278; B. Juel-Jensen, “Potken’s Psalter
and Tesfa Tsion’s New Testament, Modus baptizandi and Missal” (Bodleian
Library Record 15 [1996]), 480–496.
but a few years later, in 1553, the Talmud was burned in Rome by the
decree of the Roman Inquisition.
K. R. Stow, “The Burning of the Talmud in 1553, in
the Light of Sixteenth Century Catholic Attitudes Toward the Talmud”
(Bibliothèque d'Humanisme et Renaissance 34:3 [1972]), 435–459.
Although the decree was directed against blasphemous Jewish doctrines,
regrettably Syriac scriptures also fell victim to the subsequent raid on Hebrew
books.
Masius repined over the loss of his Syriac
manuscripts in a letter to his friend, Latinius (Lossen 1886: 185–186):
“Sed utinam codices saltem meos Syros Novi Testamenti expeditos habeam
(...) Sed illi pari cum aliis hebraeis calamitate premuntur.” M. Lossen,
Briefe von Andreas Masius und seinen Freunden 1538 bis 1573,
Publikationen der Gesellschaft für Rheinische Geschichtskunde 2
(Leipzig: Verlag von Alphons Dürr, 1886). See also Wilkinson, The
Kabbalistic Scholars, 46; François, Andreas Masius, 221–223.
In 1571, the Antwerp Polyglot Bible, which was the first Polyglot Bible
containing the Syriac text of the New Testament, almost failed to obtain the
Papal approbation, because the collaborators were suspected of being kabbalistic
or in favour of the Talmud and some of their works were on the Index.
B. Rekers, Benito Arias Montano
(1527–1598), Studies of the Warburg Institute 33 (London:
Warburg Institute–University of London, 1971), 58–69. The Pope finally
decided to assign the matter to the Spanish Inquisition and it was the
Spanish Jesuit, Juan de Mariana, who saved the project with his assent.
Cf. Wilkinson, The Kabbalistic Scholars, 93–99.
In light of these events, it is not surprising that Moses preferred not
to publicize his Syrian Orthodox identity, in order not to plunge into danger
the whole Syriac printing project. In this situation, Moses’ motto seems to be a
perfect choice, since it was suitable for giving the semblance of being Catholic
and for staying true to the Syrian Orthodox beliefs at the same time. The
question arises, how conscious this decision was from Moses’ part: what did he
perceive from the contemporary political, ecclesiastical affairs?
The initiative might have come from Widmanstetter, whose interest was to make
Moses appear as a Catholic in order not to jeopardize his long-cherished
publishing project. Moses’ appellation as a Catholic priest in the edition of
the New Testament and also in the text of the grant of arms might be attributed
to him. At the same time, he was certainly aware of the truth, since he was able
to read Syriac and understood Moses’ sincere colophons. What is more, he knew
the Syriac version of the Nicene Creed and he was familiar with the dogmatical
differences.
This text is on the first folios of his Syriac
Missal (München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cod. Syr. 5, f. 1v–2r), to
which he added Latin notes on dogmatical differences. Cf. J. Aumer, Verzeichniß der orientalischen Handschriften der K.
Hof- und Staatsbibliothek in München: mit Ausschluß der
hebraeischen, arabischen und persischen; nebst Anhang zum
Verzeichnis der arabischen und persischen Handschriften 1875
(Reprinted Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1970), 114.
On the other hand, Moses was also well-informed in political and ecclesiastical
questions. He followed the Roman political life with attention and he was fully
up to date in this field. After the election of Pope Paul IV (1555–1559), Moses
evaluated the situation with the following words: “As for the Pope Theatino, I,
myself, am not pleased with him. Even if Giovanni Battista Negro becomes more
important or less important, there is no hope for me to return to Rome, only if
the cardinal of England or Cardinal Morone becomes the Pope.”
Letter sent by Moses to Masius from Vienna, 15 July
1555: Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Ms. or. fol. 13, f. 24v. ܡܛܠ ܦܲܐܦܰܐ ܬܝܐܬܝܢ ܠܐ ܨܿܒܝܐ ܒܗ
ܢܲܦܫܝ. ܘܐܢ ܢܗܘܐ ܓܘܐܢ ܒܐܬܝܣܬܰܐ ܢܝܺܓܿܪܐ ܪܰܒܿܐ ܐܰܘܿ ܙܥܘܪܐ. ܠܝܬ ܠܝ ܣܒܪܐ
ܕܸܐܗܦܘܟ ܠܪܗܘܡܝ. ܐܠܐ ܐܢ ܢܗܼܘܐ ܟܪܕܢܐܠ ܕܢܓܠ ܬܹܐܪܪܱܐ. ܐܘܿ ܟܪܕܢܐܠ ܡܵܘܪܵܘܢ
ܦܰܐܦܐ. The Pope Theatino
is Cardinal Gian Pietro Carafa, who, as the head of the Roman
Inquisition, ordered copies of the Talmud to be burned and became Pope
Paul IV (1555–1559). The Ethiopian Giovanni Battista Negro was Moses’
friend and Carafa’s protégé. As such, he might have helped Moses. Moses,
however, was the protégé of the two mentioned spirituali cardinals: Reginald Pole and Giovanni Morone. The
new pope, being the leader of the zelanti, was
their sworn enemy. Moses, thus, had a more powerful adversary in the
person of the pontiff, than a well-wisher in the person of Giovanni
Battista. On the fray between sprituali and zelanti see A. P. Robinson, The
Career of Cardinal Giovanni Morone (1509-1580): Between Council and
Inquisition (Farnham: Ashgate, 2012), 60–109.
Moses knew these cardinals personally and he could correctly assess the
impact of the election on the Oriental studies and on his future. Apparently, he
was smart enough to choose such a clever and cunning motto on his own. His
circumspection is also attested by the occasion when he warned Masius not to
call him a monk because he is known as a priest in Vienna. At the same time, his
motto might also be a reflection of his desire for the unity of his church and
the Catholic church mentioned in the Latin dedication of the Syriac New
Testament.
7. Did Moses become a nobleman?
Having examined the relevant passages of the grant of arms, there is one more
question to clarify, notably the aim and sense of this privilege. In public
knowledge, the use of coats of arms and nobility are closely related. No wonder,
since it was mainly the noblemen who were granted this royal favour.
Nevertheless, from the 13th–14th centuries burghers also managed to obtain such a privilege,
C. Kajatin, “Königliche Macht und bürgerlicher
Stolz. Wappen- und Adelsbriefe in Zürich,” in Alter
Adel - neuer Adel? Zürcher Adel zwischen Spätmittelalter und Früher
Neuzeit, ed. P. Niederhäuser (Zürich: Chronos Verlag, 2003),
203–210; Biewer and Henning, Wappen, 248–249.
and later, in the 16th–17th centuries it became attainable even for peasants
and lower-ranking servants of the royal court.
K. F. Bauer, Das Bürgerwappen. Das Buch von den
Wappen und Eigenmarken der deutschen Bürger und Bauern, (Frankfurt am
Main: Verlag der Hauserpresse, 1935).
It was an established custom of the sovereigns to elevate someone to the
peerage, donating coats of arms at the same time, but in these cases the
letters’ patent always explicitly referred to the act of ennoblement. In some
exceptional cases, however, patents of arms were officially recognised as
patents of nobility.
E. Riedenauer, “Kaiserliche Standeserhebungen für
reichsstädtische Bürger 1519–1740. Ein statistischer Vorbericht zum
Thema “Kaiser und Patriziat”,” in Deutsches Patriziat
1430–1740, ed. H. Rössler (Limburg a.d. Lahn: C. A. Starke
Verlag, 1968), 27–98, here 90, n. 35.
Moses’ charter does not contain any reference to the nobility, so he was
not raised to the noble rank, which is also confirmed by heraldic elements. In
the German heraldic tradition, the form of the helm denoted to the social rank
of the coat of arms holder: the so-called close helm (Stechhelm) was the
standard helm for burghers, while the open helm (Spangenhelm or Bügelhelm) was
reserved for the noblemen.
F. Gall, Österreichische
Wappenkunde. Handbuch der Wappenwissenschaft,
(Wien–Köln–Weimar: Böhlau, 1996), 16; E. Gritzner, “Heraldik,” in Grundriß der Geschichtswissenschaft, I/4. ed. A.
Meister (Lepzig–Berlin: B.G. Teubner, 1912), 59–97, here 78. The
Habsburg rulers tried to implement this practice in Hungary as well, and
the open helms were simply crossed out by the chancellery on the
request, if the petitioner was not entitled to it. Cf. Nyulásziné
Straub, É. Magyarország címerkönyve. A heraldika
alapjai, (Budapest: Ceba, 2001), 132.
In the description of Moses’ heraldic achievement, the close helm (galea clausa) is mentioned, and other nobiliary elements,
like the crown of nobility and the supporters, are lacking,
Gall, Österreichische Wappenkunde, 17; Biewer and
Henning, Wappen, 137–138.
so it is in accordance with the rest of the document.
Beyond nobility, other privileges could also be donated with a coat of arms,
like exemption from personal rates and taxes (exemptio ab
oneribus), admission in the service of the emperor (familiaritas), the right to seal with red wax (ius
cerae rubeae), etc., but Moses does not seem to have obtained any of
these. The only thing Moses was authorised in possession of this charter is the
use of the coat of arms described in the document. For the subjects of a
European monarchy, such a privilege had far-reaching consequences; it was the
symbol of social advancement, the antechamber of nobility.
Riedenauer, Kaiserliche Standeserhebungen, 35;
Biewer and Henning, Wappen, 47.
But for Moses, it was apparently not easy to assess the importance of
this favour.
8. On the use of the coat of arms (dispositio)
The document thoroughly describes the possible use of the coat of arms:
“in exercises, in serious or ludic campaigns, at games of
javelin tossing or in contests of infantry and cavalry spearmen, in battles,
duels, single contests, in any kind of close combats or fights with ranged
weapons, on shields, banners, standards, tents, tombs, seals, memorials, signet
rings, buildings, furnishings…” (f. 4r)
It would be interesting to know whether and in which circumstances Moses used his
coat of arms. This question is difficult to answer, especially because the
number of documents related to Moses is very restricted, but some basic
considerations can be offered.
After leaving Vienna, Moses travelled to Venice and embarked to sail for Syria.
On his way, he stopped on Cyprus, in Famagusta, where he sold a copy of the
Syriac New Testament to a certain Georges de Revelles on 18 October 1556. The
purchaser noted on the title page of the book that he bought it from “Moses of
Mardin from Mesopotamia, Catholic bishop.”
Borbone, Monsignore, 84.
It is not known what the reason was for the misunderstanding, whether
Moses introduced himself as a Catholic prelate or not,
The question of Moses’ bishophood has been treated
by several scholars. Kiraz proposed that he might had been consecrated
by Patriarch Niꜥamatallah. G. A. Kiraz, “Introduction to the Gorgias
Reprint,” in The Widmanstadt—Moses of Mardin Editio
princeps of the Syriac Gospels of 1555 (Piscataway: Gorgias
Press, 2006), i–vi, here vi. Van Rompay suggested that it was only an
honorific title. Van Rompay, Mushe of Mardin, 301. Borbone conducted a
thorough investigation and concluded that Moses was never consecrated
bishop. He opined that “Moses had a tendency, so to
say, to overstate his position”. Borbone, Monsignore,
83–85.
but his seal might have played a part in it. We are informed about his
seal from one of his letters: “As for what you said that ‘there is a cross on
your seal,’ [know] that the cross is not [only] for the metropolitans, but
[also] for every baptised people who are baptised in the name of the Holy
Trinity.”
Letter sent by Moses to Masius from Venice, 15 July
1553: Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Ms. or. fol. 13, f. 20v ܡܛܠ ܕܐܡܼܪܬ ܕܐܝܬ
ܒܚܬܡܐ ܕܝܼܠܟ ܨܠܝܒܐ. ܠܐ ܐܝܬܘ̄ ܠܡܻܛܪܘܦ̈ܘܠܝܛܐ ܨܠܝܒܐ. ܐܠܐ ܠܟܠ ܥܡܝܕܐ
ܕܐܬܥܡܕ ܒܫܡܗܿ ܕܬܠܝܬܝܘܬܐ ܩܕܝܫ̄.
Apparently, Moses felt compelled to give an answer to Masius who had
presumably objected the use of the cross in his heraldic bearings, which was the
privilege of bishops. The seals are no more visible on the letters, but Andreas
Müller still saw them in the 17th century and
prepared a sketch of it in his book (see Figure 4). This shows a shield divided
into four quarters, the first and fourth a cross crosslet, the second and the
third a cock. This latter is the symbol of audacity and combativeness, but in
Christian context, it is likely a reference to the story of St. Peter’s
denial.
Müller, Epistolae duae, 27.
The cross objected by Masius is the one appearing on the shield or
rather behind the shield, which in this form was indeed reserved for
bishops.
B. B. Heim, Heraldry in the Catholic Church: Its
Origin, Customs, and Laws, (New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1978),74.
Moses acquired this seal in Rome before coming to Vienna,
This becomes clear from the letter he sent on 8
June 1553 from Rome, in which he proudly described his probably new seal
to Masius: “Here is my seal. Moses is written above
around the supreme cross.” ܗܢܘ ܚܬܡܐ ܕܝܠܝ.
ܘܗܐ ܟܬܝܒ ܠܥܠ. ܡܘܣܝ. ܚܕܪܝ ܨܠܝܒܐ ܥܹܠܝܐ.. Müller, Epistolae duae,
8. This inscription is not visible on the letter today, as it was
written in the wax, ‘ad oram sigilli’, and
perished with the seal. In the light of this, it is not clear, why
Müller deciphered the letters on the seal as MWSW and not MWSY. He
wrote, that on both sides of the cross there are two-two Syriac letters
abbreviating Moses’ name: MŪsā SŪryō.
and he did not hasten to cut a new one with his new coat of arms, as he
apparently continued to use it after leaving the city.
Although Moses was planning to return to Europe with Syriac manuscripts as soon
as possible, he stayed in the Near East for two decades and reappeared in Rome
only in 1578. He lived there until his death, probably 1592, and left his mark
on a number of manuscripts.
Manuscripts he copied or composed entirely or
partially: Roma, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. ar. 902, Barb. or.
87, Barb. or. 29, Vat. syr. 229, Vat. ar. 945, Barb. or. 76, Vat. syr.
36, Vat. syr. 227, Vat. ar. 83, Vat. ar. 141, Vat. syr. 214, Vat. ar.
1482; Firenze, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Or. 209, Or. 254.
Manuscripts containing his purchase note or reader’s note: Roma,
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. ar. 22, Vat. ar. 6, Vat. ar. 7,
Vat. ar. 114, Vat. ar. 81, Vat. ar. 328, Vat. syr. 6, Vat. syr. 18, Vat.
syr. 35, Vat. syr. 95, Vat. syr. 107, Vat. syr. 108, Vat. syr. 156, Vat.
syr. 158. Cf. Levi della Vida, Ricerche, 206–215, 415–423, 435; Borbone,
Monsignore, 99–113.
There is a codex in which he copied three texts and at the end of one of
them, there is a trace of a seal.
It is the response of Patriarch Michael III
(1170–1178) containing his profession of faith to the emperor Manuel I
Komnenos (1143–1180), Roma, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. ar. 83,
ff. 52r–66v.
Unfortunately, the surface is blurred and the original figure is
invisible. However, the colophon helps to find out what kind of seal it could
be, as it reads: “With God’s help, the letter sent by Patriarch of the Syrians
to the king Manuel has been finished. Glory be to God. Amen. It was translated
from Syriac into Arabic by the miserable Moses, bishop only by name from the
denomination of the Syrians.”
Vat. ar. 83, f. 66r: بعون الله كملت
الرسالة الذي بعث بطريرك السريان للملك منولي. والحمد لله امين. ناقلها
من السرياني للعربي موسى الحقير بسم مطران من طايفة السريان.
Another hand added here: اليعاقبة
المشارقة.
It was not the only occasion when Moses appeared as a bishop. In most of
his signatures during this last period of his life, he used this title.
Borbone published nine such examples. Cf. Borbone,
Monsignore, 107–113. Two further instances in Vatican manuscripts: Roma,
Biblioteca ApostolicaVaticana, Vat. ar. 7, f. 1: ܐܫܬܪܝ ܗܕܐ ܐܠܟܬܐܒ
ܐܠܡܙܐܡܝܪ ܐܠܡܛܪܐܢ ܡܘܣܝ ܐܠܣܪܝܐܢܝ. ܡܢ ܐܠܫܡܐܣ ܝܘܣܦ ܐܒܢ ܓܒܪܝܐܠ ܘܘܐܠܕܬܗ
ܬܐܓ ܐܠܠܗ ܬܥܐܠܝ ܝܢܝܚ ܐܢܦܣܗܡ ܐܡܝܢ. ܘܐܟܝܗ ܐܒܢ ܝܐܡܝܢ. ܘܟܐܢ ܒܚܛܪܗ̈ ܐܠܫܡܐܣ
ܝܘܣܦ ܐܒܢ ܐܠܫܡ[ܐܣ...] ܐܠܚܡܨܝ. ܘܐܠܫܡܐܣ ܣܠܝܡܢ. ܐܠܠܗ ܝܪܚܡ ܐܡܘܐܬܗܡ ܘܐܡܘܐܬ
ܓܡܝܥ ܐܠܡܘܡܢܝܢ ܒܐܠܣܝܕ ܐܠܡܣܝܚ ܐܡܝܢ; Vat. ar. 22, f. 127: كملت رسالة
يعقوب والمجد لله دايماً ابدا امين على يد احقر عباد الله موسى بسم
مطران.
Whether he was a consecrated bishop or he ascribed to himself this title
illicitly, he probably continued to use his old seal, since it was more suitable
to pretend that he was a bishop.
In sum, until now not a single object has been found with Moses’ coat of arms.
In all likelihood, he did not cut it onto a seal. The other possibilities of use
were not really realistic in Moses’ case, so it might be the case that he never
used the coat of arms he was granted by Ferdinand on 15 March 1556.
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Annexe
Below is the edition of the draft copy of Moses of Mardin’s grant of arms
(Österreichisches Staatsarchiv, Reichsadelsakten, box 272, no. 57.). This
version has been chosen, because it is more extent than the fair copy, i.e.
contains the entire text of the document and the description of the first sketch
of Moses’ coat of arms. As this latter was crossed out by the scribe, it is also
crossed out in this edition. Only the main
body of the text is published here, other inscriptions are discussed above in
the article. Abbreviations are expanded and the articulation of the text is
designed to ease the understanding.
(2r) Ferdinandus etc honorabili, devoto, nobis dilecto Mosi Meredineo Sacerdoti
Syro Catholico gratiam nostram regiam et omne bonum. Existimamus Regiam
Maiestatem decere non solum subditos suos benemerentes liberalitate et
munificentia sua prosequi, verum etiam exteros et alienigenos, quos integritas
vitae et morum probitas scientiarumque exacta cognitio commendabiliores efficere
solent. Quam rem eo studiosius facimus, quod hinc existimamus Regiam
liberalitatem atque beneficientiam latius divulgari, atque in omnes provincias
sese extendere, eoque exemplo ceteros admonitos et incitatos ad virtutis
sectandae studia reddi propensiores. Quamobrem cum tu praefatus Moses Meredineus
Sacerdos Syrus ob egregias animi tui dotes, pietatem, religionem vitaeque
sanctimoniam, fidedigno luculentoque multorum testimonio abunde nobis sis
cognitus: intellexerimusque quam magna cum laude reipublicae Christianae
consulueris in excudendis Novo Testamento aliisque sanctissimis libris Syriaco
idiomate, et quantum denique operae et industriae ea in re collocaris, debemus
profecto ea omnia non clementi (2v) solum animo agnoscere, sed et peculiari
aliquo ornamento atque adeo munificentiae nostrae beneficio remunerare, ut ipse
bene actae vitae industriaeque tuae memoriam nostro testimonio auctoritateque
comprobatam ad posteros usque transmittere queas, tuoque exemplo alii ad bene
recteque vivendum inflammentur incitenturque.
Proinde ex certa nostra scientia animoque bene deliberato et de nostrae regiae
potestatis plenitudine tibi praefato Mosi Meredineo et fratribus tuis, Bartomae,
idest filio ieiunii, et Simeoni et Ieschua, filiis Isaaci sacerdotis in Caluq
villa ad montem Coros provinciae Zaur, legitime coniugati ac filiis vestrum
legitimo thoro natis, et deinceps nascituris in perpetuum infrascripta
insignia:
clypeum scilicet caeruleum, in quo sint tres montes
aurei et super iis ecclesia biturrata argentea cum tecto semicirculari rubeo
et tectis duarum turrium itidem rubeis. Scuto ad[?]statur galea clausa,
cuius vertice surgat timidius angelus caeruleus praecinctus cum vexillo a
dextra candido et litteris V.S.E.C. rubeis significantibus Unam Sanctam
Ecclesiam Catholicam. Porro in manu sinistra teneat librum evangelicum
apertum. Ex galea utrinque defluant phalerae, quarum alterae sinistrae sint
coloris rubei et argentei, alterae vero dextrae caerulei et crocei aureive.
Angelus autem sit cinctus stola candida seu fascia candida,
clypeum scilicet caeruleum, e cuius immo exurgant tres colliculi flavi aureive,
quorum medius altius paulo quam caeteri attollatur, sustineantque ecclesiam
biturritam albam cum tecto semicirculari rubeo, et tectis duarum turrium itidem
rubeis et fastigiatis, atque in cruces flavas aureasque desinentibus, quarum
utraque turris superne fenestra oblonga illustrari conspicitur, prout et in
pariete intermedio porta patens et tres fenestrae orbiculares forma triangulari,
sub tecto nimirum una et bine iuxta portae superius limen dispositae apparent.
(3r) Scuto imponatur galea clausa equestris phaleris seu laciniis et id genus
ornamentis ad laevam albis vel argenteis et rubeis ad dextram croceis seu aureis
et coelestinis molliter defluentibus et circumfusis ornata e cuius vertice.
Pubetenus emineat imago angeli veste lauzurea fluxa praecinctus, humeros vero
fascia (quam stolam Ecclesiastici appellant) candida ita redimitus ut in pectore
decussim faciat, alis expansis et rubeo albicante ac viridi coloribus
conspicuis, coma flava, et utroque lacerto ad cubitum usque nudato atque
extenso, tenens sinistra manu librum evangelicum apertum, dextra vexillum album
in cunei modu, formatu hastili flavo aureove et mucronis loco cruce aurea
superne ornato, in quo vexillo quatuor litterae rubreae V.S.E.C. Unam Sanctam
Ecclesiam Catholicam denotantes descriptae seu depictae cernuntur,
(2v) uti haec omnia pictoris ars et ingenium in medio huiusce nostri diplomatis
regii melius representavit, clementer concessimus, donavimus et elargiti sumus,
(4r) pro ut harum litterarum nostrarum vigore donamus, concedimus et elargimur,
expresse statuentes ac decernentes, quod tu, Moses fratresque tui praedicti,
filiique, nepotes, heredes et descendentes legitimi utriusque sexus in omnem
posteritatem iam descripta armorum insignia ex hoc tempore deinceps in perpetuum
in omnibus et singulis honestis ac decentibus actibus, exercitiis et
expeditionibus tam serio, quam ioco, in hastilibus ludis seu hastatorum
dimicationibus pedestribus vel equestribus, in bellis, duellis singularibusque
certaminibus et quibuscumque pugnis eminus, cominus, in scutis, banneriis,
vexillis, tentoriis, sepulchris, sigillis, monumentis, annulis, aedificiis,
suppellectilibus, tam in rebus spiritualibus, quam temporalibus et mixtis, in
locis omnibus, prout vobis libitum fuerit, aut necessitas vestra postulaverit,
habere, gestare et deferre, ac simul quibuslibet privilegiis, immunitatibus,
libertatibus et iuribus uti, frui ac gaudere possitis, quibus alii quoque
armigeri seu huiuscemodi armorum vel insignium ornamentis decorati utuntur,
fruuntur et gaudent iure vel consuetudine. Quapropter omnibus et singulis
ecclesiasticis et secularibus, electoribus, principibus, archiepiscopis,
episcopis, ducibus, marchionibus, comitibus, baronibus, militibus, nobilibus,
clientibus, capitaneis, vicedominis, advocatis, praefectis, procuratoribus,
officialibus, quaestoribus, civium magistris, iudicibus, consulibus, regum
heraldis et caduceatoribus et denique omnibus nostris et Sacri Romani Imperii ac
quorumcumque regnorum, et avitorum nostrorum (4v) dominiorum, et provinciarum
nostrarum haereditariarum subditis et fidelibus dilectis cuiuscumque status,
gradus, ordinis, conditionis et praeminentiae fuerint, seu quacumque perfulgeant
dignitate, firmiter mandamus et praecipimus, ut te praefatum Mosen Meredineum,
praedictosque tuos fratres ac liberos, nepotes, heredes et posteros ex vobis
legitimo connubio prognatos ac in perpetuum descensuros praescriptis armorum
insignibus ac omnibus et singulis honoribus, privilegiis, immunitatibus et
iuribus, quibus alii nostri et Sacri Romani Imperii armigeri seu armorum
insignibus decorati utuntur, fruuntur, potiuntur et gaudent, libere, pacifice et
sine molestia aut impedimento uti, frui, potiri et gaudere sinant, et ab aliis
etiam permitti curent.
Quatenus gravissimam indignationem nostram et mulctam XXV. marcharum auri puri
fisco nostro regio et parti laesae ex aequo, omni spe veniae sublata, solvendam
evitare voluerint, quam poenam his, qui hoc diploma et rescriptum nostrum
observare neglexerint aut spreverint, quotiescumque scilicet temere illi
adversati fuerint irrogandam decernimus et statuimus.
In cuius rei ampliorem fidem atque testimonium hisce litteris nostris manu nostra
propria subscriptis sigillum nostrum regium appendi voluimus.
Datum Viennae, 15 mensibus Martii Anno Domini 1556
Figures
Figure 1: Moses’ coat of arms. Copyright by Rita Várfalvi.
Figure 2: St. Stephen’s Cathedral, detail of the Albertinischer Plan, 2nd
half of the 15th century (the original is dated
to 1421/1422), Copyright by Wien Museum.
Figure 3: Mary, Queen of Archangels. Albrechtsmeister:
Albrechtsaltar. Copyright by Stift Klosterneuburg.
Figure 4: Moses’ seal. Copyright by Rita Várfalvi.