Vast Lessons: Jacob of Edessa’s The Six
Days and the Tools of Knowledge
Ellen
Muehlberger
University of Michigan
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James E. Walters
Beth Mardutho: The Syriac Institute
2022
Volume 25.1
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https://hugoye.bethmardutho.org/article/hv25n1muehlberger
Ellen Muehlberger
Vast Lessons: Jacob of Edessa’s The Six
Days and the Tools of Knowledge
https://hugoye.bethmardutho.org/pdf/vol25/HV25N1Muehlberger.pdf
Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies
Beth Mardutho: The Syriac Institute, 2022
vol 25
issue 1
pp 9-42
Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies is an electronic journal
dedicated to the study of the Syriac tradition, published semi-annually (in
January and July) by Beth Mardutho: The Syriac Institute. Published since 1998,
Hugoye seeks to offer the best scholarship available in the field of Syriac
studies.
File created by James E. Walters
Abstract
Jacob of Edessa’s early eighth-century work The Six
Days bursts with information about the cosmos and its inhabitants, the earth’s geography, its
species, and other details of nature. Scholars have long classified it in the genre
of hexameral literature; in the first part of this essay I explore the limits of
that identification. In the second part of the essay, I consider another ancient
genre by which The Six Days might be described—compendiary literature—but
demonstrate that the features of the text do not square with the generic conventions
scholars have identified as central to that literature. The Six
Days thus bears a lesson for us: it cautions us to rethink our systems of classification for ancient
literature.
The surviving works attributed to Jacob of Edessa,
fragmentary though some of them are, trace for us a picture of a deeply erudite,
industrious scholar who spent almost as much time caring for the traditions he
inherited as he did writing new work. Born in the middle of the seventh century,
Jacob lived in an era of literary curation. He was one of its most energetic
participants, translating and frequently glossing the work of earlier writers like
Severus of Antioch;This essay derives from a keynote lecture I delivered at the Eighth North
American Syriac Symposium, and I am grateful to Kristian S. Heal and Susan
Ashbrook Harvey for the invitation. The comments and questions I received
there, particularly from Adam Becker, helped shape my thoughts, and this
article was substantially improved by the comments of the anonymous
reviewers for Hugoye, to whom I am also
grateful. Sebastian P. Brock, “Jacob the
Annotator. Jacob’s Annotations” in Gregorios Yohanna Ibrahim and George
Anton Kiraz, ed., Studies on Jacob of Edessa, Gorgias
Eastern Christian Studies 25 (Piscataway, N.J.: Gorgias, 2010),
1–13. preparing a reworked Old Testament from multiple extant ancient
translations; refining and transmitting philological knowledge of both Greek and
Syriac Alison G.
Salvesen, “Ya‘qub of Edessa” in Sebastian Brock et al, eds.,
Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary of the Syriac Heritage (Piscataway,
N.J.: Gorgias Press, 2011), which draws from the chronicles of Gregory
Barhebraeus (1226–1286) and Michael the Syrian (1126–1199).; and
clarifying philosophical terms and their usage, especially as they entered into
discussions of Christology. Wilks, “Jacob of Edessa’s Use of Greek Philosophy in
His Hexaemeron” in Bas ter Haar Romeny, ed., Jacob of
Edessa and the Syriac Culture of His Day (Leiden: Brill, 2008),
223–38; Richard Price, “The Christological Controversies of the Age of Jacob
of Edessa” in Ibrahim and Kiraz, ed., Studies on Jacob of
Edessa, 81–92; Daniel King, “Why Were the Syrians Interested in
Greek Philosophy?” in Philip Wood, ed., History and
Identity in the Late Antique Near East, Oxford Studies in Late
Antiquity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 61–82. See also the
survey of Jacob's career in Jack Boulos Victor Tannous, "Syria between
Byzantium and Islam: Making Incommensurables Speak" (PhD diss., Princeton
University, 2010), 169–211. The range of Jacob’s interests aligns
with what much later chroniclers would tell us about the terrain of Jacob’s life: he
moved from place to place, entering the monastery at Qenneshrin, possibly moving to
Alexandria for a period of further study, then coming to Edessa to serve as its
bishop, twice, in two short offices that were interrupted by a long period, in which
he lived in some of the most active and important centers of learning of his
day. Alison G.
Salvesen, “Jacob of Edessa’s Life and Work: A Biographical Sketch” in ter
Haar Romeny, ed., Jacob of Edessa and the Syriac Culture
of His Day, 1–10. In life, Jacob explored his world,
working in established networks and institutions centered on the transmission of
knowledge, yet was ungoverned by any single one of them.
What remains to us from his pen is similarly expansive and thus challenging to
characterize. As an example, consider the large work Jacob composed in the first
decade of the eighth century, of which Jean-Baptiste Chabot published an edition in
1928.
Jean-Baptist Chabot, ed., Iacobi Edesseni Hexaemeron seu
in opus creationis libri septem, Scriptores Syri, series secunda 56
(Paris: CSCO, 1928); A. Vaschalde, trans. (Leuven: CSCO, 1932).
The text survives in at least five manuscripts, but rather than collate them, Chabot
chose to reproduce the best preserved among them, a piece dated to 837 C.E. and thus
remarkably close to the era of the work’s composition. Chabot’s choice to represent
a single manuscript allows us to see the choices other editors in antiquity made to
categorize the text. In his edition we encounter the stylized header superimposed
periodically across the top of successive leaves of the manuscript, marking
variously what book of the work we are in, the author’s name, and the topic of the
work. So, across the top of the printed pages 168–69 there are a few small
decorative elements intermixed with words a little larger than the columns of the
text, that say, “the fourth book of the six days, by the holy Jacob of Edessa”;
similar headers appear every ten pages throughout the manuscript, identifying which
of the six books a reader has turned to and usually repeating the topic and the
author: “the third book on the six days by the holy Jacob of Edessa,” or “the fifth
book on the six days by the holy Jacob of Edessa.” Chabot, ed., Iacobi Edesseni
Hexaemeron, 108–9, 188–89. The pattern is regularized with few
exceptions: at times only one folio bears the header, usually for a shorter
version that includes only the book and the title (see Book 4, marked at 148
or 158; Book 6 marked at 238 or 268); there are a few interruptions, such as
when a part of Book 5 receives a header that marks it as Book 4 (198–99), or
when the pattern is skipped entirely (there is no header where one is
expected at 248). Thus intoned throughout the text are indices of
what one is reading and where one is in the text. Books are technologies, and their
format has an effect on how we process the material they convey. Though there are
few explicit signals in this text—no regular indentation, minimal variation in hand,
few marginal marks— the headers are implicit prescriptions for interpretation: we
should read this work knowing it was written by Jacob of Edessa, and it is a work
that treats the six-day creation, that is to say the origin of the world as
described in the book of Genesis.
An alternate summation preserved in the manuscript Chabot reproduced gives a broader
sense of work’s contents. The very first lines in the text offer an abstract
description, or perhaps even a title, for what is to come: “The book of the treatise
on existence, which is to say, the establishment of the creatures.” Chabot, ed., Iacobi Edesseni Hexaemeron, 2. This lede,
though it appears only once, may be a clue to Jacob’s sense of his work’s
predecessors, as it is precisely the same slug used for the Hexaemeron by Jacob of Serugh, written two centuries earlier. T. Muraoka, Jacob of Serugh’s Hexaemeron (Leuven: Peeters, 2018),
6n1. I thank an anonymous reviewer for pointing out this overlap and its
significance. But it also prepares readers to expect a treatment
to follow that will be perhaps more capacious than what the headers on the text
indicate. From it, one might await a general exposition on existence and the natural
order, without necessarily expecting a text that is bounded by, or even pays much
attention to, Genesis 1:1 to 2:3.
These two summaries signal different scopes for the work. Scholarship on The Six Days has consistently elected to follow the headers,
pinning it as one example among the other homilies, treatises, and commentaries that
focus on the six-day creation that opens the book of Genesis. Chabot, for instance,
does so at the very first lines of his introduction to the text. Chabot, ed., Iacobi Edesseni Hexaemeron, i. Having been located in
this category, Jacob’s text has benefitted from a number of studies, most recently
essays in a volume edited by Gregorios Yohanna Ibrahim and George Anton Kiraz
comprising several talks from a 2008 conference in Aleppo, as well as several pieces
in the volume edited by Bas ter Haar Romeny in the same year. Ibrahim and Kiraz, eds., Studies on Jacob of Edessa; ter Haar Romeny, ed., Jacob of Edessa and the Syriac Culture of His
Day. Marina Greatrex’s 2000 University of Wales, Cardiff
College dissertation provided a translation of parts of Book 1, Book 2, and Book
4. Marina
Greatrex, “Memre One, Two and Four of the Hexaemeron of Jacob of Edessa:
Introduction, Translation and Text” (PhD diss., University of Wales,
Cardiff, 2000); see also her later articles, “The Angelology in the
Hexaemeron of Jacob of Edessa,” Journal of the Canadian
Society for Syriac Studies 4 (2004): 33–46 and as Marina Wilks,
“Jacob of Edessa’s Use of Greek Philosophy in His Hexameron” in ter Haar
Romeny, ed., Jacob of Edessa and the Syriac Culture of His
Day, 223–38. Before that, the text had received
attention in the form of extended articles and books, grouped in the late nineteenth
century and in the latter half of twentieth century. Jean-Pierre Paulin Martin,
“L’Hexaméron de Jacques d’Édesse,” Journal
asiatique 8,11(1888): 155–219, 401–90; James Darmester, “Jacques
d’Édesse et Claude Ptolémée,” Revue des études
grecques 3 (1890): 180–88; Arthur Hjelt,
Études sur l’Hexaméron de Jacques d’Edesse, notamment sur ses notions géographiques contenues dans le 3ième traité (Helsingfors:
J.C. Frenckell, 1892) and “Pflanzennamen aus dem Hexaëmeron Jacob’s von
Edessa” in Carl Bezold, ed., Orientalische Studien:
Theodor Nöldeke zum siebzigsten Geburtstag (2. März 1906) gewidmet von
Freunden und Schülern (Gieszen: Alfred Töpelmann, 1906), 571–79;
Thomas Hunter Weir, “L’Hexaméron de Jacques d’Édesse,” Journal asiatique 9,12 (1898): 550–51; Lorenz Schlimme,
“Synkretismus in der syrischen Hexaemeron-Literatur (exemplarisch
dargestellt an der Rezeption der antiken Zoologie)” in Gernot Weissner, ed.,
Erkenntnisse und Meinungen I., Göttinger
Orientforschungen, I. Reihe: Syriaca 3 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1973),
164–88 and “Die Lehre des Jakob von Edessa vom Fall des Teufels,” OrChr 61
(1977): 41–58; Erik ten Napel, “Some Remarks on the Hexaemeral Literature in
Syriac” in Hans J. W. Drijvers et al., IV Symposium
Syriacum, 1984: Literary Genres in Syriac Literature (Groningen –
Oosterhesselen
10–12 September), OCA 229
(Rome: Pontificium Institutum Studiorum Orientalium, 1987),
57–69. All of these begin from the premise that The
Six Days is, foremost, the text described in the headers, namely, Jacob’s
contribution the hexameral genre.
That premise is not wrong, on its face: The Six Days does draw
from the Genesis account, and the name I use in this essay follows on that fact. But
I want to create some space between the text and the label “hexameral” in order to
facilitate consideration of what that label does. In asking us to pause this way, I
join other scholars of Syriac literature from antiquity, and specialists in early
Christian studies, who have drawn attention to the habits of categorization. The
recent work of writers like James E. Walters, Jeffrey Wickes, and Peter Martens
emphasizes that the apparatus of knowledge we choose to adopt can shape both what we
recognize when we look at ancient texts and what we think when we read them. Exemplary in this
are James E. Walters, “Reconsidering the Compositional Unity of
Aphrahat’s Demonstrations” in Aaron Michael Butts
and Robin Darling Young, ed., Syriac Christian Culture:
Beginnings to Renaissance (Washington, DC: Catholic University of
America Press, 2020), 50–65, as well as his forthcoming monograph,
“Deconstructing the Demonstrations: Reconsidering the Composition and
Context of an Early Syriac Corpus”; Jeffrey Wickes, “Imagining Ephrem the
Author” in Lewis Ayres, Matthew Crawford, and Michael Champion, ed.,
The Intellectual World of Christian Late Antiquity: Reshaping the Classical Tradition, 100 – 600 CE
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming);
and Peter Martens, “Classifying Early Christian Writings: Boundaries,
Arrangements, and Latent Dynamics,”
Early Christianity 12 (2021):
1–16. I am grateful to all three of these scholars for generously sharing
their work in draft with me. In the case of The
Six Days, which treats almost every type of creature and natural phenomenon
and place in existence, to label it “hexameral” is to lead readers to see it as
invested in, even defined by, its relationship to scripture—and this despite the
fact that we understand that the text of Genesis is only the barest of scaffolds
unifying the otherwise quite harlequin collection of texts so labeled.
So, this essay is a call to allow The Six Days to be more than
what it has been labeled, to encourage readers new and veteran to grapple with just
how ambitious a text it is, all toward the end of them seeing the sheer amount of
information it is trying to convey and hearing its lessons about how to bear such a
magnitude of knowledge. Encouraging this readership is not just a matter of applying
new labels, however. Though there are emerging options for describing
The Six Days available in scholarship
about ancient literature more generally, they can be as hidebound as earlier labels:
like “hexameral,” not inaccurate, but surely insufficient. Any representation of
complexity on the order of what is found in The Six Days is
necessarily an approximation, and approximations (as their name tells us) get close
to what they represent while never quite landing directly on target.
The first section of the essay considers what calling The Six
Days a hexameral text does to our understanding of its contents and its
purpose. The section following tries out one of the newer scholarly categories in
which the text could be located—namely, compendiary works—but then details how that
label, too, fails at a certain point. Paradoxically, the tools of knowledge we might
use to encourage new readers to engage with The Six Days can
in fact stand in the way of their comprehension and even blunt their curiosities. As
we will see, The Six Days bears vast
lessons for scholars working in Syriac literature, but could also bear on other
areas of interest in the ancient world. The earnest disposition Jacob displays in
the text, registering its expansiveness and attempting to represent its breadth
while understanding the hard limits of taxonomy, is a model for us of how to manage
unruly knowledge without circumscribing it.
I: The Six Days and the Hexameral Genre
In North America, the academic study of the Syriac
tradition has taken a welcoming, and welcome, turn in the last twenty years.
Scholars recognize the immense value that Syriac texts can have for the study of
antiquity; at the same time, we understand that those texts are understudied, in
part because scholarship on Syriac has never benefitted from the level of
institutional or disciplinary support that bolsters the study of, say, Greek and
Latin texts. So, several projects have aimed to approximate that institutional
benefit: for instance, to entice new readers by addressing the comparative
dearth of opportunities to learn the language outside a handful of universities
that regularly offer instruction, as Beth Mardutho has done; or, to compile
collections of free, accessible introductory materials and bibliographies, like
what is available at syriaca.org. This turn is in part
inspired by changes in university commitments to research here, where the value
of the study of the humanities in general has been under question, and where
pre-modern languages and literatures specifically have seen a decline in
support.
But the turn would be apt at any moment, because a field is not constituted by
its experts alone; rather, it is the collection of people progressing in time
toward greater knowledge and familiarity with the field under study. In Syriac
studies, this includes the student learning the formal grammar of the language
for the first time alongside the postdoctoral fellow expanding their
dissertation toward a monograph and the senior scholar who commands
bibliographies barely imaginable in their magnitude. It acknowledges that the
new student can and may become the senior scholar, who was once that new student
herself. Attending to the progression of knowledge in this way practically
requires a welcoming orientation in the scholarship, and so a significant
portion of the field has been making an effort to contextualize the authors,
events, and texts we write about.
Much of this contextualizing work comes in the form of summaries or entries in
reference works, bearing signposts designed to guide a reader who has not yet
encountered or even begun to digest a text, but may want to have a sense of what
it comprises before she starts. In the case of Jacob of Edessa’s The Six Days, the summaries that scholars offer all point
in the same direction. They tell us, in a general way, that The Six Days is a work of scriptural interpretation. The indications
can be spotted by glancing at where scholars locate the text. In his patrology
of Syriac texts, for example, Ignatius Ortiz de Urbina classified The Six Days as one example of Jacob’s “scriptural
studies,” placing it alongside his editions of biblical books and short
fragments of biblical commentary. Ortiz de Urbina, ed., Patrologia
Syriaca (Rome: Pontificum Institutum Orientalium Studiorum,
1958), 168–69, where the Latin carries an extra implication in a single
abbreviated letter: Studia de S.
Scriptura. Sebastian P. Brock, writing to introduce readers
to biblical work in Syriac, discussed
The Six Days in a chapter on
“biblical commentaries,” where he names Jacob “the chief luminary of the field
of Syriac biblical exegesis in the seventh century.” Brock,
The Bible in the Syriac Tradition (Kottayam:
SEERI, 1989), 65. Or, the character of a text can be conveyed
with a simple descriptor. Brock, again, labels The Six
Days specifically as Jacob’s “most important work of exegesis.” Brock, Bible in the Syriac Tradition, 66.
Jonathan Loopstra, writing thirty-five years later, followed Brock to identify
The Six Days as a commentary. “The Syriac Bible and Its
Interpretation,” in The Syriac World, ed. Daniel
King (Routledge, 2018), 301, where he also places it in line with
Jacob’s translation and edition work. Introducing readers to
some scholia of Jacob’s, Michael Penn lists The Six Days
among the “extant exegetical writings” of this “renowned interpreter of
Scripture.”
Michael Philip Penn, When Christians First Met
Muslims: A Sourcebook of the Earliest Syriac Writings on Islam
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2015), 180. These
are characterizations—just sketches, really, a phrase here or there—but they
make a difference, as they come from experts across different eras and in
different genres of scholarly writing. In light of their varied points of
origin, they cohere remarkably, such that almost any reader coming across
scholarly mention of The Six Days gets the message is
that it is a commentary on a biblical text, a work of exegesis.
Let us consider for a moment what the term “exegesis” implies. It arrives in the
company of its supposed opposite, “eisegesis,” and the two together provide a
binary way to evaluate interpretations of texts. “Exegesis” takes place when
readers merely “lead out” from the text the information and meaning it already
contains, while “eisegesis” involves reading into the text things and senses
that lie external to it. In the context of biblical studies, there is such a
preference for one over the other that “exegesis” has come to be a synonym for
“interpretation,” the assumption being that no good reader would purposefully
import externalities to the text.
The thing is, all readers bring things when they read; texts do not mean anything
on their own. Thus, the imposition of the binary of exegesis and eisegesis onto
modes of reading is an epistemological claim, a way to assert that some ways of
interacting with a text are neutral, natural, and even necessary. Moreover,
given the historical alignment in Christian thought between the categories of
novelty and heresy, it is not difficult to see that the label of “eisegesis”
ports a theological claim about the modes of reading it describes. If, on the
other hand, one is engaged in “exegesis,” one is assumed not to bring anything
“in” to one’s interpretation, so that interpretation can be thought of as merely
an extension of the text and so in the case of reading scripture, bears the
authority of the text.
The term “exegesis” also suggests a context of composition and even a range of
intention for the texts it describes. One of
The Six Days’ closest readers over
the last few decades, Marina Wilks, has written that Jacob’s goal in creating
the text was “compiling a systematic exegesis.” Wilks, “Jacob’s of Edessa’s Use of Greek
Philosophy,” 225. All of the other scholars whose
characterizations of The Six Days I visited in the above
located it among examples of Jacob’s intensive textual work with the Bible, his
translations and revisions and editions. For another example, see Raymond Marie
Tonneau, who groups the text in a lineage of exegetical pieces, from
Ephrem to anonymous catenists and collectors of scholia, who all aim to
provide a lens for better viewing the text they study. Tonneau, “Texte
syriaque de la Genèse, L’Héxaéméron,” Le
Muséon 59 (1946): 333–44, at 334–35. Doing so implies
that The Six Days was created through efforts oriented on
scripture, just as the tasks of edition and translation are; it also induces a
reader to assume that the text, if produced by tightly focused work, will be
subordinate to the scripture it exegetes. Approaching The Six
Days with this context in hand does allow scholars to do certain kinds
of historical reconstruction that cannot be accomplished in other ways. For
example, assuming that Jacob’s purpose in The Six Days is
accurate explication of a scriptural text, one could look over his shoulder, so
to speak, at the text he is working with, in order to capture the Bible as he
knew it and thus to have a historical snapshot of the Syriac Bible (or bible
traditions) in Jacob’s day. Alison G. Salvesen’s work recovering part of the
Syriac Bible from reading Jacob’s The Six Days
demonstrates the productivity of such an approach. Alison G. Salvesen, “The
Authorial Spirit? Biblical Citations in Jacob of Edessa’s
Hexaemeron,” Aramaic Studies 6:2 (2008):
207–25.
The limits of this characterization come into greater relief, however, the moment
one turns to actually reading The Six Days, as it does
not conform to the expectations of fidelity to, and even intimacy with,
scripture that labels like “commentary” and “exegesis” convey. First of all, if
it is oriented to the creation account in Genesis, The Six
Days makes reference to that text remarkably infrequently. Lorenz
Schlimme subtly registered this fact in 1977, confirming the prevalent scholarly
understanding that the work was “designed fundamentally as an exegetical
commentary,” while at the same time noting that Jacob “probably only understood
the genre of ‘exegetical commentary’ as a general framework or outline.” Schlimme,
Der Hexaemeronkommentar des Moses bar Kepha: Einleitung, Übersetzung, und Untersuchungen (Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz, 1977), 674. Framed in the terms laid out by Hilary A.
Clark, this would make the Genesis account the “encyclopedic figure” for
The Six Days (Clark, “Encyclopedic
Discourse,” SubStance 21 [1992]:
95–110). The relationship of The Six Days
to Genesis 1:1–2:3 is in reality even looser than Schlimme’s sober observation
lets on. The contents of the biblical index prepared by A. Vaschalde suggest
that the text of Genesis was only a faintly rendered backdrop for Jacob’s
thought. Passages or phrases from Genesis 1:1 to 2:3 appear in sequence over the
course of its seven books; however, those eighteen references are fewer than one
would expect in roughly one hundred seventy-eight manuscript pages of text
(about two and a half citations per book or roughly one every ten manuscript
pages). What is more, those eighteen references to the earliest portions of
Genesis are overmatched by the text’s attention to other biblical books: for
instance, Job is cited almost as many times (seventeen), while Matthew is cited
more often (twenty-three times); by far the Psalms receive the most referential
attention, with eighty-seven citations scattered over books one through
seven.
Vaschalde, “Index Biblicus,” 307–10. So, to suggest the
explication of Genesis 1:1 to 2:3 is the central task of The
Six Days is to give readers a false sense of the text’s purview.
Its purpose is also broader than “commentary” would indicate. For under the
lightly sketched template of the six-day creation, Jacob offers an expansive, if
not entirely comprehensive, tour of the known world and its inhabitants, which
neither begins nor ends with reference to scripture. The first book of the work,
for example, opens with a long exposition about the nature of angels, their
minds, Satan’s rebellion and what his rebellion reveals about the corruptibility
of angels, the prospect of free will, and more, all intermixed, with no
demarcation of what is scriptural or unmentioned in scripture, and no reference
to specific phrases or passages from Genesis or any other biblical text.
After that first book and its discourse on the nature and status of angels
contained therein, The Six Days turns toward a different
project: to catalog the components of the material world in encompassing detail.
To set the stage for his catalog, Jacob starts by describing the four elements
of Aristotelian physics—earth, air, water, and fire—explaining how they have
interacted to produce the peculiar landscape of this planet where they are mixed
together.
For a broader discussion of the influence of Aristotle on the entire
text, see Wilks, “Jacob of Edessa’s Use of Greek Philosophy.” To learn
more about its place in the trajectory of science in Syriac, see Muriel
Debié, “Sciences et savants syriaques: une histoire multiculturelle” in
Émilie Villey, ed., Les sciences en syriaque
(Paris: Geuthner, 2014), 9–66. Then, he details the
geological formations of the planet, from caves to volcanoes to the
peculiarities of the fossil record; he reckons every possible location of water
in the inhabited and uninhabited world—ice, rain, fog, humid wind, oceans, bays,
rivers, streams, and swamps among them. He enumerates the various kinds of
plants that exist as a gardener would, by their growth habits—which are annual,
which are biennial, and which are perennial?—and then as a farmer would—which
are edible and which are inedible? He treats the sun, the moon, the planets,
equinoxes and solstices, fish, cetaceans, crustaceans, shorebirds, raptors,
bees, carnivorous wild beasts and the array of domesticated animals: sheep and
oxen, cows and camels. Jacob’s treatise is, in a phrase, a massive education on
the categories of the world, originating from the simplicity of the four
Aristotelean elements and ramifying outward to the thousands of peculiar things
composed from them.
It appears that Jacob was aware that The Six Days defied
expectations about its content by encompassing far more than readers may have
expected from a treatment of the first few chapters of Genesis. He introduces a
textual device to voice and, at the same time, to mitigate that expectation. An
interlocutor named Constantine interrupts book one, just after Jacob has offered
his long discourse on divine beings, their wills, and their ranks, saying “I
know enough about [these beings], based on what you have said, but I am eager
for whatever can be produced and written about them from the holy scriptures. I
want them placed here for me here, alongside your discourse; elucidated and
shown to me, that I might know their meaning.” Chabot, ed., Iacobi
Edesseni Hexaemeron, 17. Constantine’s voice points
to what has been missing so far: a discussion of Genesis, or really, of any
scriptural reference that might anchor Jacob’s performance. In response, Jacob
offers a short florilegium, alighting briefly on various parts of Genesis
outside the creation account before he moves to more extensive reproductions
from several other books of the Old Testament and the New: Job, Psalms, Daniel,
letters from Paul or attributed to Paul, Acts, the Gospels.
The character of Constantine acts like other fictional characters in ancient
dialogue texts. They are there to introduce an alternate perspective, often to
challenge the author whose voice and goals dominate the work. Such characters
are an effect expressed by the very text that presents them to us, and we should
remember that they are a creation of the author who composes their words. Interlocutors in
dialogues serve many purposes, but they are always present at the behest
of and literally under the hand of the author. For a survey of what
interlocutors accomplish, see the discussions in Alberto Rigolio,
Christians in Conversation: A Guide to Late Antique Dialogues in Greek and Syriac, Oxford
Studies in Late Antiquity (New York: Oxford University Press, 2019);
Andrew S. Jacobs, “Gender, Conversion, and the End of Empire in the
Teaching of Jacob Newly Baptized,”
Journal of Early Christian Studies 29
(2021): 93–120; and Michail Kitsos, “Speaking as the Other: Late Ancient
Jewish and Christian Multivocal Texts and the Creation of Religious
Legitimacy” (PhD diss., University of Michigan, 2020). In
the case of Jacob’s Constantine, it is a half-hearted creation; as a
chararacter, he hovers on the periphery of the text and is never fully realized.
His first appearance is perhaps with the question that opens the text of the The Six Days; the Latin translator assumes so and
supplies the name to introduce the questioner, as if in a screenplay, while in
the Syriac, the question comes from nowhere. Chabot, ed., Iacobi
Edesseni Hexaemeron, 2; Vaschalde, trans., 1. The
second time Constantine appears, his name is spelled out in full, but the third
time, it is shortened. In that last appearance, Constantine only utters a brief
affirmation of what Jacob has said. Chabot, ed., Iacobi Edesseni
Hexaemeron, 3 and 4. When Constantine asks for
scriptural references for the discussion of heavenly beings, his name is
abbreviated and marked with a supralinear stroke, and that is the final time he
appears in the work Jacob has written. Chabot, ed., Iacobi Edesseni
Hexaemeron, 17. One last time he appears, in the
ending to The Six Days composed by
George of the Arabs after Jacob’s death, but there he is simply addressed in the
vocative and does not speak. Chabot, ed., Iacobi Edesseni
Hexaemeron, 356.
This is odd, because given the arrangement of content in the rest of the
work—heavy excursions into surveys, taxonomies, catalogs of knowledge, with very
little dependence upon the text of Genesis or any other biblical
book—Constantine could have in fact appeared throughout, popping up in each book
of the text to ask his one question again and again, “Show me where this is in
scripture?” Yet he does not appear, Jacob having laid aside the tool of the
conjured interlocutor and the dialogue format very early to move on to his
central task. For that task, exposition and exploration are the method, not
exegesis, and certainly not dialogue. Questions about attention to scripture
arise exactly once in this text, and then fall silent.
Jacob’s invented interlocutor draws attention to one way
The Six Days runs against the
expectations created by placing it among hexameral texts, but there are
additional ways it is out of step with that group. Consider how it differs from
Basil of Caesarea’s Homilies on the Hexaemeron, which
were already important in the Greek tradition of this genre, but also were
translated multiple times into Syriac and served as a model for Jacob’s
text. In
addition to the translation edited by The Syriac
Version of the Hexaemeron by Basil of Caesarea, ed. Robert W.
Thomson, Syr 222–23 (Leuven: CSCO, 1995), there is the literal
translation documented by the presence of several excerpts in a masora
discussed by Jonathan Loopstra (The Patristic
“Masora”: A Study of Patristic Collections in Syriac Handbooks from
the Near East, CSCO 689 [Leuven: Peeters, 2020], 130–31); cf.
Paul J. Fedwick,
Bibliotheca Basiliana Universalis: A Study of the Manuscript Tradition of the Works of Basil of Caesarea: The Homiliae morales; Hexaemeron, De litteris, with additional coverage of the letters, vol
2.1 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1996), 243–44, cited by Loopstra,
Patristic “Masora”, 131n31.
I am grateful to Dr. Loopstra for sharing these pieces with me. For
Basil’s Hex as a model for The
Six Days, see Wilks, “Jacob of Edessa’s Use of Greek
Philosophy,” 224. Basil’s work exemplifies a tendency common
to the genre, in that it examines the natural world not to know that world or
its inhabitants in themselves, but in order to develop from it ethical models
for humanity to follow. As Patricia Cox Miller has argued, the primary reason to
understand the fauna of creation, for writers like Basil, was to draw moral
wisdom from what one sees. Basil argues that we are by the order of nature on
the one side of a divide between animal and human, yet we possess qualities from
both and thus we must constantly remain vigilant in our deeds so that we do not
slip to the other side by prioritizing the bestial. He observes that in reality
many animals manage to do just this—that is, they manage to act according to
reason and against their animal nature, to do what is morally right. So, Basil
claims, if animals can act rightly, despite their lower nature, we certainly
can.
Patricia Cox Miller,
In the Eye of the Animal: Zoological Imagination in Ancient Christianity (Philadelphia:
University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018), 104. His exploration
of animals and their actions leads to reflections on
us and our
actions. Or, as Miller puts it, “When one ‘reads’ animals along with Basil, one
is also reading the human self.” Miller, In the Eye of the
Animal, 112. For more on how Basil’s take on creation does
align with Jacob’s, see Aboud Ishaq, “Jacob of Edessa’s Hexaemeron: A
Primitive Comparison with Basil of Caesarea’s Hexaemeron,” ParOr 38 (2013): 109–38. In this key
text, human beings are the obvious problem at the center of creation; our
ethical failings need correction, and the payoff for investigating the filigreed
corners of the landscape, for knowing all the habits of the sentient creatures,
is the ability for human beings to correct our failings through judicious
imitation of the animals we learn about—the busy bee, the docile deer, and
others.
In Jacob’s discussion of humanity, however, ethical issues barely register, and
the animal world does not bear lessons for us. Instead, his concerns are
mechanical, anatomical, and taxonomical. Jacob’s exposition on humanity and our
place in the created order occurs in the first portion of Book seven. Part way through
book seven, the manuscript notes Jacob’s death and reports that the
remainder of the work, the last five folios or so, were composed by
Jacob’s former student George (Chabot, ed., Iacobi
Edesseni Hexaemeron, 347). He considers just what in
the human being represents the “image and likeness” that God posited as a
template for making humanity. There is the problem that, though God spoke of
using a single “image” and a single “likeness,” humanity is several and varied,
so Jacob offers a discussion of the Hebrew text and how its use of an idiom for
humanity, rather than the single word for human being, means the entire species
of human beings bear the likeness and image as a group. Chabot, ed., Iacobi Edesseni Hexaemeron, 283–84. For a
parallel discussion of the seeming singularity of the “image” or
“likeness” in contrast with the variety of human beings, see Candace
Buckner’s discussion of the Life of Aphou
in “Made in an Imperfect Image: Race, Ethnicity, Disability, and
Infirmity in the Life of Aphou,” Journal of the
American Academy of Religion 87 (2019): 483–511, at
493. Jacob then enters an anatomical catalog in the record,
detailing the composition of the human body from feet to head to spine to
genitalia, in that order. Chabot, ed., Iacobi Edesseni
Hexaemeron, 246–58. The other inhabitants of the
world, who in other readings of Genesis are moral exemplars for humanity to
follow, appear here only as contextual proof of our superior design. To further
demonstrate, Jacob makes a list, forensically comparing the mechanical
advantages human bodies have over animal bodies, showing how we (literally)
stand apart: we walk on two feet, not four; our knees bend in a different
direction than what seem to be animals’ “knees”; our hands are dexterous; our
heads are round. Chabot, ed., Iacobi Edesseni Hexaemeron,
304–6. Later, Jacob offers other lists, detailing the
qualities of the mind, relative to God, and the properties of the human
soul.
Chabot, ed., Iacobi Edesseni Hexaemeron, 310–12
and 326–28, respectively, though neither is marked in the margins like
the first list. The cumulative effect of the lists of Book
seven is to position humanity between the animals and God, clarifying how our
existence confirms the skillful work of the creator, who made us more capacious
than the animals. This is practically speaking orthogonal to the perspective in
Basil’s hexameral work, where animals are better at
showing human values than we are.
At this point it may be fair to ask, just what does “hexameral” indicate? Texts
that have been given that label come in many forms—in verse and in prose, in
homily and confession and commentary—and are written from multiple perspectives.
Consider just this selective range of texts beyond Basil’s and Jacob’s, here in
alphabetical order by author: Anastasius of Sinai, Anagogicarum contemplationum in Hexaemeron; Augustine, Confessions; George of Pisidia, Opus
sex dierum seu mundi opificium; Gregory of Nazianzus, Third Theological Oration; Jacob of Serugh, Hexaemeron; John Philoponus, De opificio mundi;
Moses bar Kepha, Hexaemeron. They are so various that
this is only one thing that unites them. The mere fact of treating, in whatever
depth, the early chapters of Genesis appears to be the qualifying
characteristic, a situation which reveals a deeper function for the label. If
reference to the early parts of Genesis is enough to qualify a work for the
hexameral genre, then the reference to the early parts of Genesis is the most
salient part of that work when it is classified as “hexameral.” By extension,
the other topics covered or books drawn from by such a work are secondary to its
discussion of the early parts of Genesis. That puts scripture at the center of
any text that uses Genesis 1 and 2 to speak about the natural world, in any way
that it might. In turn, seeing scripture as automatically at the center of any
writing that refers to it upholds an assumption on which the study of early
Christianity has long depended, namely, that writers who are Christian concern
themselves with only pious topics. Ellen Muehlberger, “On Authors, Fathers, and Holy
Men,” Marginalia Review of Books, September 20,
2015; Peter Martens, “Classifying Early Christian Writings: Boundaries,
Arrangements, and Latent Dynamics,”
Early Christianity 12.4
(2021): 3n4.
That assumption remains implicit in scholarship, for the most part, but we can
catch a glimpse of how it works in the case of The Six
Days by considering a curious repetition in scholarship about the
function of the text. In different contexts, while pursuing different arguments,
scholars who study the text most closely present it as a work of accommodation
on Jacob’s part, in which he stitches together two distinct and possibly
opposite realms of knowledge. At times, the assumption surfaces in peripheral
comments. For example, Alison Salvesen’s work draws attention to Jacob’s use of
Hebrew in The Six Days and argues
that his etymological efforts serve as “a bridge between the biblical and
scientific information” in the text. Salvesen, “Was Jacob Trilingual?”, 94.
For other readers, the assumption is more pervasive. In her consideration of the
text, Marina Wilks understands Jacob to be aiming to marry what can be known
outside of scripture with what is in scripture. His work in The Six Days, she writes, “brings the scientific account into line
with his interpretation of Genesis,” Wilks, “Jacob of Edessa’s Use of Greek
Philosophy,” 226. making as a result “a superb—and possibly
original—combination of science and theology.” Wilks, “Jacob of Edessa’s Use of Greek
Philosophy,” 236. Even those readers who seem to hold a neutral view of
the topics included in The Six Days divide the
work into two regimes of knowledge. See P. Martin, “L’Hexaméron de
Jacques d’Édesse,” 165 (“C’est moin une ouvre de theologie qu’une ouvre
de science”), cited by Schlimme, Der
Hexaemeronkommentar des Moses bar Kepha, 674 n4; and see
Schlimme’s discussion to the same effect (680–81). Ortiz de Urbina
extends this regime of divided knowledge to characterize Jacob himself:
“Eminet inter syros jacobitas sua ampla eruditione sacra et profana” (emphasis mine, Patrologia Syriaca, 166). If one considers
“science” and “theology” to be separate systems of knowledge for late ancient
writers, then The Six Days is indeed remarkable for
combining them, and so skillfully.
But is there evidence that Jacob understood the content, or the purpose, of his
work this way? Being Christian in antiquity did not necessarily require drawing
this line. There are, certainly, works by Christian authors that make a point to
distinguish between sacred and profane topics. Similarly, there are surely
pieces of early Christian literature that take content referring to biblical
material as “theological” and locate it opposite to other kinds of knowledge.
Within Syriac literature, there is a deep tradition of scientific knowledge
contained in Christian texts, as Muriel Debié has so extensively documented.
Even Debié’s survey, though, also bears the assumption that there are two realms
of knowledge; in the case of The Six Days, she
characterizes it as “un bon example de l’alliance entre science antique et
religion chrétienne.” Debié, “Sciences et savants syriaques: une
histoire multiculturelle,” 30. What the Roman historian
Daryn Lehoux observed a decade ago remains true for many who study early
Christianity: “it is often taken as definitional that ancient science begins
where ancient theology ends.” Lehoux, What Did the Romans
Know? An Inquiry into Science and Worldmaking (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 2012), 60.
And yet many other pieces do not port the same assumptions
and instead bear a remarkable continuity of use between what others might
separate as their “theological” and “scientific” claims. For an example, see
Theodoret’s use of medical knowledge in Ellen Muehlberger, “Simeon and
Other Women in Theodoret’s Religious History:
Gender in the Representation of Asceticism,”
Journal of Early Christian Studies 23
(2015): 583–606. In the case of
The Six Days specifically, the
notion that there is some division in the knowledge of the world into two kinds
is not evident. Jacob makes no apology for the sources from which he draws his
information, and he does not offer any justification for why he is able to
combine material from two seemingly opposite epistemological orders, so we
should not assume he saw a division in the content of his own work. Rather, his
method of collation assumes continuity, rather than contrast, between what his
later readers have seen as separate realms. The Six Days
draws from Genesis, but it also relies upon many non-biblical sources: Ptolemy’s
Geography, Aristotle’s Meteorology, the De mundo attributed to
Aristotle, and a treatise on stone by Theophrastus all have a part in the
work.
Wilks, “Jacob of Edessa’s Use of Greek Philosophy,” 224; Schlimme, Der Hexaemeronkommentar des Moses bar Kepha,
676–77; Debié, “Sciences et savants syriaques: une histoire
multiculturelle,” 32. What comes from these sources is not
flagged as being different in character or reliability from what Genesis offers.
Indeed, the very fact that Jacob writes this text suggests they are already compatible in his mind. To look to
The Six Days as if it confirms the
existential reality of two categories of knowledge in “science and theology” or
even “science and scripture” is to read into it.
If the hexameral label enables such confusion about the content and purpose of
Jacob’s work, is there some other way to classify The Six
Days?
II: The Six Days and Compendiary Texts
As Lorenz Schlimme observed, there is something far more
“encyclopedic” than “exegetical” about The Six Days. If
we were to take the quality he is noting as the central feature of the text, we
could locate it among another cohort of ancient writings. In the last three
decades of scholarship, attention has gathered on texts that we can call, if not
exactly “encyclopedic,” then at least “compendiary.” David Maldonado Rivera
recounts the scholarly conversation about encyclopedism in the
introduction to his dissertation, highlighting Paolo Odorico’s important
critique of the inevitable modern valences resident in the term
“encyclopedic.” Odorico for his part suggests “syllogistic” as an
alternative, a term that focuses on the production of texts by gathering
sources; yet this term also has its limits, as it suggests the kind of
excerpting that happens in florilegia and collections of scholia, while
the textual type I am trying to indicate includes such texts, alongside
others that draw from prior works without verbatim quotation (David
Maldonado Rivera, “Encyclopedic Trends and the Making of Heresy in Late
Ancient Christianity, 360–460 CE” [PhD diss., Indiana University, 2017],
5–11; commenting on Paolo Odorico, “La cultura della ΣΥΛΛΟΓΗ: 1) Il
cosiddetto enciclopedismo bizantino. 2) Le tavole del sapere di Giovanni
Damasceno,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift 83 [1990]:
1–21). Another option, beyond “encyclopedic” or “compendiary,” is
“knowledge-ordering texts,” as Jason König and Greg Woolf offer in the
introduction to
Encyclopaedism from Antiquity to the Renaissance (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2013), 3. Compendia do what their
name says they do, namely, they compound, placing together in new arrangements
material that has been recorded before, whether in tradition or in writing, and
whether they make a point of representing the material as excerpts and
quotations (that is, preserving some presence of the donor text), or whether
they simply incorporate the extant material into new structures.
Examples of compendia are found in most ancient literatures. For the ancient
Mediterranean, they include writing from the first century BCE, like Varro’s Hebdomades, or from the first century CE, like Pliny’s
Natural History. A short history of compendia is recounted in
Anna Bonnell Freidin, “The Birthday Present: Censorinus’ De die natali,”
Journal of Roman Studies 110
(2020): 141–66, as context for Censorinus’s text. Texts in
the group need not aspire to universality: the same impulse is visible in works
composed for more circumscribed occasions or contexts, too, like Censorinus’s
De die natali, or the Untitled
Treatise in the Bruce Codex. Bonnell Freidin, “The Birthday Present”; Ellen
Muehlberger, “Preserving the Divine: αὐτο-Prefixed Generative Terms and
the Untitled Treatise in the Bruce
Codex,” Vigiliae Christianae 65 (2011):
311–28. The genre crosses disciplines. Much of what we know
of the Hippocratic and other schools of medicine from the ancient Mediterranean
is preserved in compendia. See, for a start, the essays of Philip van der
Eijk, ed., Ancient Histories of Medicine: Essays in
Medical Doxography and Historiography in Classical Antiquity
(Leiden: Brill, 1999). It also crosses linguistic
boundaries. Greek-speaking authors like Epiphanius of Cyprus wrote in this vein;
and there are examples of its presence in Syriac literature as well. Andrew S.
Jacobs, “Epiphanius of Salamis and the Antiquarian’s Bible,” Journal of Early Christian Studies 21 (2013):
437–64, and the development of this essay in his book, Epiphanius of Cyprus: A Cultural Biography of Late Antiquity
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2016), esp. in Chapter 4; for
Syriac, see especially The Cause of All Causes, a
fair introduction to which can be found in Adam C. McCollum, “A Syriac
Fragment from The Cause of All Causes on the
Pillars of Hercules,” ISAW Papers 5 (2012). For a
more in-depth consideration see G. J. Reinink, “Communal Identity and
the Systematicization of Knowledge in the ‘Cause of All Causes’” in Pre-Modern Encyclopaedic Texts: Proceedings of the
Second COMERS Congress, Gronigen, 1–4 July
1996, ed. Peter Binkley (Leiden: Brill, 1997),
275–88. All of these exempla pull together previously composed
material, sometimes but not usually flagging their sources. Given the wide range
of texts from which it draws, The Six Days fits easily
within this group, and putting it there comes with the boon of expanding the
pool of potential comparanda for the text beyond just other Christian literature
that touches upon the Genesis creation story.
And yet, this classification also falls short. To show how, let me highlight an
important vein of recent scholarly work on compendiary texts. The rhetorical
orientation of compendia is related to their content. Such texts tend to present
themselves as simple records of what is, as preservations of what is already
known, and thus tend to obscure their advancement of a unique agenda resulting
from their specific geographic, linguistic, or temporal context. Because
compendiary texts do not advertise their novelty, many have been neglected or
underanalyzed in scholarship because they seem, on their face, merely
“derivative,” dependent on the earlier literature that they reproduce. As more
scholars of the ancient world become attuned to the variation in the production
of knowledge across cultures—including the registers in which knowledge is
created, presented, and heralded—they have realized the importance of
compendiary works for our grasp of ancient culture. A sample of scholarship that
investigates ways of knowing can be found most recently in two
collections of essays:
Late Ancient Knowing: Explorations in Intellectual History, ed.
C. M. Chin and Moulie Vidas (Berkeley: University of California Press,
2015); and Ordering Knowledge in the Roman
Empire, ed. Jason König and Tim Whitmarsh (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2007). See also Daryn Lehoux, What
Did the Romans Know?. The fact that ancient authors
spent attention, time, and expense to create such texts suggests there is more
to be learned from them than what modern sensibilities, so attuned to the hails
of originality, might realize.
This is the opening that recent scholarly attention has entered, not to dismiss
such works as being without value, but to assume, by virtue of their initial
composition and preservation, that these works were
considered valuable and then set to logicking out what made them so. In the case of
the Talmud, for instance, Sergey Dolgopolski has argued that its bent
toward inclusion is the evidence of a rabbinic inclination to manage the
ultimately unmanageable amount of information that could be known of the
past. See
The Open Past: Subjectivity and Remembering in the Talmud (New
York: Fordham University Press, 2013). I thank Mira Balberg for this
reference. There are many possible ways to reckon the value
afforded to a text in the past: one could ask about its use, or its
distribution, or consider how many copies and translations were made. Contained
in the text itself, too, is evidence for sussing out why it came into being in
the first place; compendia are the result of a process of curation, and by their
contours we might envision the curator. This is arguably true for any text, but the
nature of compendia reflects on particular aspects of their composers,
because it is their knowledge and selectivity at the
forefront. Scholars like Andrew S. Jacobs, Anna Bonnell Freidin,
and Annette Yoshiko Reed have all taken this approach to reveal writers who
arrange sources, expound on them, and position them relative to contemporary
cultural and political forces. Jacobs, Epiphanius of
Cyprus; Bonnell Freidin, “The Birthday Present”; Reed,
Demons, Angels, and Writing in Ancient Judaism (New
York: Cambridge University Press, 2020), 238–39, citing J. Z. Smith,
“Wisdom and Apocalyptic,” in
Religious Syncretism in Antiquity, ed.
Birger Pearson (Missoula, MT: SBL Press, 1975), 131–56. There
is often a person holographed by the implicit argumentation of a compendium, an
expert who arranged it all just so. Thus, a compendium is usually a compound of
sources, but also a demonstration of the knowledge and power of the person who
wrote it.
Often, scholars have seen an imperial framework expressed in the
compendium, though that is harder to apply to those works created
outside the confines of the empire most often the reference for this
observation, the Roman Empire. See König and Whitmarsh, Ordering Knowledge in the Roman Empire,
especially “Ordering Knowledge,” 3–39.
The Six Days is certainly a compendium, at least by dint
of its contents. Yet as it offers an erudite, almost voracious, collection of
facts about the world, the text departs from the what are now-standard
expectations for compendiary texts. Instead of performing a mastery that could
be attributed to Jacob, the text makes a considerable effort to display the
opposite of mastery. In fact, it brings mastery as a concept into question,
marking demonstrations of knowledge with clear indications of the limits on that
knowledge. Caution and a commitment to displaying inexpertise appear across multiple registers and domains, pervading the
text so thoroughly as to be a defining feature of The Six
Days. In short, Jacob fails, and what is more, he purposefully shows us
that he fails. Though the text is not a failure, it models for readers an
approach that is quite different from that of the most well-studied among
compendiary texts. For discussion of another text that models a lack
of knowledge in order to induce among readers a certain style of
learning, see Jason König, “Fragmentation and Coherence in Plutarch’s
Sympotic Questions” in König and Whitmarsh,
Ordering Knowledge in the Roman Empire,
43–68.
The first domain where Jacob’s disavowal of expertise appears is in the mental
map of the world revealed by his narration of geography. Jacob writes as if he
has vast knowledge of earthly places. His reports about physical landscapes come
from Britannia, Skandia and Cimbria Chabot, ed., Iacobi Edesseni
Hexaemeron, 112. in the north of Europe to Hispania
and Gaul in the west. He knows West Asia, north to the Caucasus Chabot, ed., Iacobi Edesseni Hexaemeron, 114.; east
to India and Sri Lanka and Malaysia Chabot, ed., Iacobi Edesseni
Hexaemeron, 116, Sri Lanka being Taprobane; cf. Malaysia (i.e.,
“The Golden Island,” on 84).; the southern reaches of his
knowledge include all of Africa north of the Sahara, and deep into the Upper
Nile Valley.
Chabot, ed., Iacobi Edesseni Hexaemeron, 102.
He also has clear opinions about global geography. For instance,
the center of the world he represents, you might recognize, was not the
Mediterranean. In fact, Jacob pointedly describes his center, the Red Sea, as
the “center of the habitable world,” punning subtly on the claims of what he
might have termed the Not-So-Middle Sea.
Beyond these places, we could be left to simply imagine what might be there, or
to pretend that Jacob’s knowledge extends beyond what he names in the text, but
The Six Days makes the implicit explicit. The world
outside what is cataloged in its pages is consistently labeled as unknown: in
Jacob’s words, it is uninhabitable or inaccessible or simply “unnamed among
human beings.”
Chabot,
ed., Iacobi Edesseni Hexaemeron,
102. There are places “unsubjected” and seas “unsailed” Chabot, ed., Iacobi Edesseni Hexaemeron, 111. and
“impassable” Chabot, ed., Iacobi Edesseni Hexaemeron,
111. and “unnavigable.” Chabot, ed., Iacobi
Edesseni Hexaemeron, 104. God put islands at the
very edge of the seas, in places practically unreachable; we might at some point
know their names but we cannot know them. Chabot, ed., Iacobi Edesseni Hexaemeron, 104. Over
and over again in Jacob’s tour of the world, when we learn about a location, we
also learn that what is known eventually gives way to terra
incognita; there is a point, far distant but existing for every known
place, where Jacob’s geographic knowledge fails.
Failure is also built in to the structures that Jacob uses to organize his
information. The mode of The Six Days is taxonomic—we are
given orderly classes, populated by species and examples—but even the most
exhaustive lists eventually end with a reminder that they stand incomplete. Fish
and crocodiles and crabs are known to Jacob, at least in their reproductive
cycles, but there is only so much that he knows, and there must be, he
concludes, “many different kinds that I do not know and cannot describe.” Chabot, ed., Iacobi Edesseni Hexaemeron, 197. Among
quadrupeds there are donkeys, horses, deer, goats, and, remarkably, unicorns,
but there are also “many others in other places whose names and kinds we do not
know.”
Chabot, ed., Iacobi Edesseni Hexaemeron,
206. The same is true of the wilder beasts, like lions and tigers
and bears; beasts of burden, too, can only be partially and locally known—there
must be others like them, in other regions, but they go unrecorded. Chabot, ed., Iacobi Edesseni Hexaemeron, 207, 224.
When there is an extended show of the particulars that Jacob might know of
something, it usually arrives with a gesture to those things of the class or
species he does not know, the
details he has not seen or recorded.
The failure to capture all potential facts is identified as an inherent fault of
lists, but for Jacob that failure also seems to stem from the limit of any one
human being’s capacity to know. After listing the many extracts of the earth
that can be useful to humanity, for example, Jacob warns that there are still
more—so many more in fact that he says “it is impossible for the mind to
comprehend or this treatise to gather” them. Chabot, ed., Iacobi
Edesseni Hexaemeron, 55. The cause of ignorance
resides in the form of the list and also the person who uses the list to
organize his thought. Adding more users can expand what is known: when Jacob
enumerates the differences between human beings an animals, he ends the list
with an admission that others could surely add to it, but as each of us bears an
individual limit, collectively we are limited, too. Chabot, ed., Iacobi Edesseni Hexaemeron, 306–7.
Perhaps we are able to approach complete knowledge when there are more of us,
yet we are always kept from completion, asymptotically proximate and yet
separate from the whole of what can be known. Tagging its most frequent tool for
organizing information—i.e., the list—in this way, The Six
Days, full of lists, constantly intones ignorance, sounding it over and
over again alongside the brighter and perhaps louder peals of knowledge.
The incompleteness of knowledge resonates too in The Six
Days’ representation of its own place in literature and the failings of
the textual enterprise as a whole. Those who read The Six
Days are brought to understand that there is for every author a book
that is missing, either not written or written and lost. For more on the trope of the
lost book, see the research project, “Books Known Only by Title:
Exploring the Gendered Structures of First Millennium Imagined
Libraries,” hosted at the Centre for Advanced Study at the University of
Oslo by Marianne Bjellard Kartzow and Liv Ingeborg Lied.
This is even true of Jacob, for at the very start of
The Six Days we learn it is not
Jacob’s first account of the universe and its wonders. He had written an earlier
treatise that covered the fundament of being, the first principle, in its
omnipotence, and presented it in consultation with quoted passages of Christian
scripture.
Chabot, ed., Iacobi Edesseni Hexaemeron,
2. That book does not survive for us to read. In truth, it may
never have existed, as the notion of the missing book seems central to his way
of conceptualizing knowledge. At least, the notion holds true for authors other
than Jacob. For instance, The Six Days relies upon Moses
as the writer of scripture and a most trustworthy source of knowledge, but
Moses, too, left things unwritten: specifically, any knowledge about the
immaterial world, to which he was privy. Jacob practically sighs as he reports
it: “Though he knew the secrets of [the spiritual beings’] creation, he did not
record a single word, long or short, about the creation of noetic beings.” Chabot, ed., Iacobi Edesseni Hexaemeron, 15–16. In
Jacob’s understanding, for every text there is another that is unavailable to
us, beyond our reach. The volumes we possess are mirrored by all those we cannot
possess, and this too is a manifestation of The Six Days’
insistence on the limits of knowledge.
Finally, those limits appear in the experience represented for the author of the
text, which Jacob creates in humanizing asides. Already, Syriac literature
reaching back to the fourth century writer Ephrem has emphasized the failings of
humanity’s grasp of the world. As Adam Becker commented on an early version of
this paper, it begins as a theme in Ephrem’s Hymns on
Faith and resonates from there through Syriac literature.
But rarely are those failings expressed as personally as they
are in The Six Days. There is not,
as we might expect, any well-reasoned exposition of how knowledge fails;
instead, there appear different individual expressions of the difficulty of
obtaining and preserving knowledge, a poignant sense that what is required for
knowing as much as the text can preserve is, in reality, beyond our abilities.
That sense first appears as fatigue. In a discussion of lakes, for instance,
Jacob begins to list existing lakes, prioritizing those that contribute to major
rivers—Lake Mareotis, Lake Asphaltites (i.e., the Dead Sea), the Lakes that
contribute to the Orontes and the Tigris. But then he stops and he asks—himself?
us?—“for what purpose am I wearing myself out, listing and providing the names
for all of these? To make a varied and nonsensical collection to be read and
heard?” He resigns and says, “There are as many of them as there are rivers in
the world; I reckon it is enough to just name and list the ones I have already.”
Chabot,
ed., Iacobi Edesseni Hexaemeron, 107.
When listing later the kinds of stones in the world and their potential uses,
Jacob peters out, begging off finishing the work by saying, “It is too much to
gather and list here all these things that can be fashioned from stones.” Chabot, ed., Iacobi Edesseni Hexaemeron, 117. He is
tired; frankly, by that time of the text, readers are too. Another sign of
fatigue comes through as humility bordering on self-disparagement. More than a
dozen times over the course of the six books, Jacob excuses himself for this
“weak and prattling account,” his “stammering,” his “childish” ways of
writing.
Chabot, ed., Iacobi Edesseni Hexaemeron, 68, 93,
106, 183, 188. And thus, between author and imagined readers
is shared this failing: none of us are capable of grasping all details conveyed
by the text, not even the person who composed it. Still, we all have forceful
powers of the imagination at hand for our use. Jacob encourages that use
at Chabot, ed., Iacobi Edesseni Hexaemeron, 175:
“If one wishes to approach the north, but cannot do so in body or
actuality in this thinking instead he can do it via
consideration.”
So, if the compendiary genre has recently been interpreted as a performance of
the compiler’s mastery over knowledge, then The Six Days
does not quite fit there either. The solidarity Jacob expresses with other human
beings alone is enough to require setting the text apart. For in other
compendiary treatises, the relationship between the writer as he presents
himself and the reader as the writer imagines them is one of distance and
difference: here are the things I know, which you do not and perhaps you would
not have been able to know, to collect, or to collate, as I have. But, in The Six Days, Jacob allows for ignorance, his own and
others’, and even projects equality with the reader. That is because his
experience, as he imagines it, is similar to the reader’s; they are both facing
an avalanche of information that threatens to overwhelm them, or worse, to
escape them unrecorded.
Yet we should be clear: Jacob’s constant acknowledgment of the limitations of
human knowledge in The Six Days does not reflect
ignorance. It instead reflects a dynamic situation, of a learner who is gaining
knowledge, perhaps grasps that there is more to gain that what he can manage,
and yet tries anyway. Historical contexts never fully determine the nature of
knowledge, but in this case, Jacob’s orientation to the world is aligned with
what we know of the political and social contexts he inhabited. As noted, he was
intrepid, living and working in multiple communities over the course of his
life. During that life, West Asia was becoming the center of the world, as the
emergent movement around Muhammad coalesced into a government at Damascus, whose
power would eventually rival that of Constantinople. The interchange and the
establishment of new networks during this development likely felt enlivening but
also perhaps unmanageable, more than the ability of any single individual to
contain or comprehend. Yet at the same time, this was not an intellectual
tradition long-enough established to be convinced of its own centrality and
importance. If there is an affect to be associated with The
Six Days, it is not domination but ingenuity. That is to say, though
the text shares some characteristics with the compendiary genre, it also
transcends the usual pattern of texts in that genre, perhaps so much so as to
dislodge it from that group, too.
Conclusion
Jacob’s text bears many lessons, but in its disposition
may reside its most transformative insight for modern readers. As a compiler,
reader, and yes, teacher, Jacob is very much like us. We, too, stand before an
overwhelming amount of information—say, the catalog of late ancient Syriac
literature—and some of us find the good in trying to convey its outlines, at
least in part, to those who have less familiarity than we do and perhaps induct
them into knowing it as we do. At least part of the goal is to bring new readers
to the literature, and with them, fresh perspectives. At the same time, many
fields of study could benefit from drawing Syriac texts into their catchment.
For instance, The Six Days has been read primarily as a
work of biblical exegesis, but it could also be read alongside other works of
natural and medical history, or as one example of the peculiar ways of knowing
instantiated in the ancient world, or even simply in comparison with other texts
that compile information from multiple sources.
The tools that we have for encouraging these new readers are helpful to a point,
but they also fail eventually. Filing The Six Days under
the label “hexameral” or “commentary” is correct, but only in the narrowest of
terms, and it can lead readers both new and veteran alike to see the text only
from certain angles. The newer approach of labeling it “compendiary” bears some
promise, but also fails, as to think of The Six Days
among other compendia may convey a false expectation that Jacob will attempt to
display mastery by his arrangement of prior materials, as have other
compilers—an expectation thwarted by Jacob’s insistence on the limits of
knowing. Our task, then, is simple and challenging. The Six
Days demonstrates that we must hold our labels and classifications
lightly. We can read deeply, observe specificity, and yet still be wary of those
tools of knowledge that are designed mostly for the management of information at
scale. We can join Jacob in understanding that taxonomies are incomplete by
their nature and aim to consistently recognize these limits of knowledge, just
as he does the unknown spaces at the borders of the world, the unregistered
entries on any list, or the inaccessible books that linger beyond our ken.