Pages of a Chronicle on the Wall
Texts, paintings, and chronology in Deir al-Surian
Karel
Innemée
University of Warsaw; University of Divinity, Melbourne
Grzegorz
Ochała
University of Warsaw
Lucas
Van Rompay
Duke University
TEI XML encoding by
James E. Walters
Beth Mardutho: The Syriac Institute
2023
Volume 26.2
For this publication, a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International
license has been granted by the author(s), who retain full
copyright.
https://hugoye.bethmardutho.org/article/hv26n2innemee
Karel Innemée
Grzegorz Ochała
Lucas Van Rompay
Pages of a Chronicle on the Wall: Texts, paintings, and
chronology in Deir al-Surian
https://hugoye.bethmardutho.org/pdf/vol26/HV26N2Innemee.pdf
Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies
Beth Mardutho: The Syriac Institute, 2023
vol 26
issue 2
pp 331-375
Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies is an electronic journal dedicated to the study
of the Syriac tradition, published semi-annually (in January and July) by Beth
Mardutho: The Syriac Institute. Published since 1998, Hugoye seeks to offer the
best scholarship available in the field of Syriac studies.
Paintings
Monastery
Deir al-Surian
Archaeology
File created by James E. Walters
Acknowledgements
The research and conservation project of Deir al-Surian was carried
out with financial support of the Polish National Center of Science (NCN, grant
nr. 2015/18/M/HS3/00621) and the Dioraphte Foundation (The Netherlands). At
present the project is funded by the Gerda Henkel Stiftung (Germany).
1.Introduction (K.C. Innemée)
Since the beginning of the research and conservation work in the
church of the Holy Virgin in Deir al-Surian, attempts have been made to map the
development of the building’s architecture and decoration (paintings, stucco,
woodwork). At first, only a relative chronology could be sketched, based on the
stratification of layers of plaster and paintings, but gradually, more and more
information came to light that allows scholars to establish a more absolute
chronology. Several important modifications and refurbishments of the church
were done during the abbacy of Moses of Nisibis, in the first half of the tenth
century, and although they cannot all be dated exactly, an increasingly precise
image of the activities commissioned by him is slowly taking shape. The
modification of the place where the most important church relics were kept and
venerated can now be reconstructed based on recently uncovered paintings and a
Coptic dipinto.
An essential factor in establishing a more absolute chronology is
the discovery of several dated inscriptions (dipinti). In some cases, they refer
to events that play a role in the history of the monastery and its community and
thus serve as an essential source of information. On the other hand, such dated
inscriptions can also be used as terminus post quem for
the layers of (painted) plaster that cover(ed) these inscriptions.
The present paper presents three recently discovered inscriptions
that are important as documents in the history of the monastic community of Deir
al-Surian and provide evidence for dating the layers in the stratification of
paintings in the church. Based on these inscriptions, an adjusted overview will
be given of the chronology of the phases in the stratification of mural
paintings in the church, with particular attention to the eastern wall of the
northern side-aisle.
2. Newly discovered inscriptions
2.1. Funerary inscription of abba Kuri (G.
Ochała)
In 2019, a Greek text was found on the first layer of plaster,
just right of the doorway in the northern side-aisle. The text contains an
annual date, a rare case in the epigraphic corpus from the church. Moreover,
the date at the very beginning of the eighth century makes the inscription
the earliest dated text from the church and, as such, is a critical
chronological anchor for its history in general and for the development of
its painted decoration in particular.
Fig. 1 The funerary inscription of Abba Kuri
The inscription was painted in red and enclosed within a
decorative border, also in red (fig. 1). The decoration consists of a zigzag
pattern filled in alternately with single dots and wavy vertical lines. Only
the lower part of the text has survived, preserving the last ten lines and
measuring approximately 22 x 32 cm (together with the border). The border
survives almost completely in the bottom, and a small fragment is visible on
the right, at the height of lines 5–7. The left borderline is entirely lost,
but the text in lines 7–9 appears to be complete; hence, the total width of
the composition can be reconstructed at 38 cm. The preservation of the
surviving text is not perfect, and the paint is obliterated in many places,
especially in the upper and right parts, making the reading very
difficult.
The script is distinct and executed by a skilled scribe, but
the size of particular letters can differ per line. Palaeographically, the
text represents upright epigraphic majuscule with elements of minuscule
script, most notably the shape of the mu (ll. 4 and
7) and the alpha (ll. 4, 5, and 8). Note also the
angular shape of the epsilon (ll. 3, 5, 6, and 8),
which can get a more lunar look when the script gets smaller (ll. 8 and 9).
The scribe consistently used a supralinear dot to mark the upsilon in the final position.
In line 2, two thin, slightly slanting strokes are visible
between δι and ου̣. They do not seem to be abbreviation marks or
interpunction signs. Instead, they appear to mark off a brake in the text of
this line caused by the unusually tall ksi from line
1, the tail of which extends to the upper part of the kappa in line 3. The strokes would thus be an ad
hoc typographic device employed by the scribe to amend the mistake
in the planning of the text.
Diplomatic transcription
1 [5–6] ̣[3–4] ̣ξ̣ου̇ ̣[ ̣ ̣] ̣ ̣[5–6]
2 [3–4] ̣ω̣ρωδι/ vac.
/ου̣τροφ ̣ ̣[3–4]
3 [2–3] ̣ιπιθου̇κετυ̇ϲτ[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]ο̣φ̣
4 [2]ο̣υ̇αμβακ̣υ̣ρ̣ι̣δ̣ι̣α̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣
̣[3–4]
5 [ ̣ ̣]α̣γνω̣ϲ̣του̇κεκαλο̣ν̣ο̣μ̣ ̣ ̣
̣ν̣
6 [ ̣ ̣]κ̣ρ̣ωνλυπωνπεδιωναυ̣τ̣ο̣υ̣
7 α̣μην̣ευξαϲ̣τεπε̣ριυ̣μω̣ν̣
8 πατερεϲκε̣α̣δελ̣φ̣·ε̣γ̣ρ̣α̣
9 φη μ̣μ̣εχ̣ιρ κα δ
/
ι̣α̣ε̣το̣υϲ̣[?]
10 [ ̣]ο̣υ̇κλη̣τ̣ιαν̣ου̣υ̇λ α ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ν[ ̣
̣]
Reading text
1 [5–6] ̣[3–4] ̣ξ̣ου ̣[ ̣ ̣] ̣ ̣[5–6]
2 [3–4] ̣ω̣ρωδι/ vac.
/ου̣ τροφ ̣ ̣[3–4]
3 [2–3] ̣ιπιθου κὲ τ(ο)ῦ στ[εφαν]ο̣φ̣- ̣
4 [όρ]ο̣υ ἄμβα Κ̣ύ̣ρ̣ι̣ δι̣α̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣
̣[3–4]
5 [ἀν]α̣γνώστου. κὲ κάλο̣ν̣ ὀ̣μ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ν̣
6 [μι]κ̣ρ̣ὼν λύπων πεδίων αὐ̣τ̣ο̣ῦ̣
7 ἀ̣μήν̣. εὔξασ̣τε πε̣ρὶ ὑ̣μῶ̣ν̣
8 πατέρες κὲ̣ ἀ̣δελ̣φ̣(οί). · ἐ̣γ̣ρ̣α̣
9 φη μ̣(ηνί) Μ̣έχ̣ιρ κ̣α΄ (ἰν)δ(ικτιῶνος) ι̣α̣΄
ἔ̣τ̣ο̣υ̣ς̣ [?]
10 [τ]ο̣ῦ (Διο)κλη̣τ̣ιαν̣οῦ̣ υλ΄ α ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ν[
̣ ̣]
3. l. καί || 4. l. ἄββα || 5. l. καί || 6. l.
[μι]κρὸν λιπὼν παιδίον || 7. l.
εὔξασθε | l. ἡμῶν || 8. l. καί
1 …
2 …
3 … and crown-
4 bearing abba Kuri, …
5 lector. And beautifully …
6 leaving his small child,
7 amen. Pray for us,
8 O fathers and brothers. (It was) writ-
9 ten in the month of Mechir, (day) 21, in the 11th
indiction, in the year
10 430 from Diocletian. …
The text is badly damaged in its upper part, but the phrase
“having left his small child” The
anonymous peer-reviewer of our article suggested to interpret the
phrase as [μι/μα]κρῶν λυπῶν πεδίων (l.
παιδίων) αὐτοῦ, “of small [great] griefs concerning
his [?] children”. While this interpretation has the merit of not
having to accept as many as four phonological alterations in three
words as we propose (twice ω for ο, once υ for ι, and once ε for
αι), it, nevertheless, does not offer a convincing sense for the
whole text. Moreover, all these phonological alterations are very
well attested in late Greek: Gignac 1976, 192–193 (αι/ε
interchange), 267–273 (υ/ι interchange), 275–277 (ο/ω
interchange). in line 6 indicates that the inscription
most probably had a funerary/commemorative character. At the beginning of
the dipinto, we find a fragment of the presentation of the commemorated
person (ll. 3–6); the name of the person is in the genitive, which suggests
the use of a formula such as “Remember, O God, the falling asleep of NN”,
“Lord, give rest to the soul of NN”, or “For the commemoration of NN”. E.g. Lefebvre 1907, no. 15
(Alexandria), ll. 1–2: μνησθίη ὁ θεὸς τῆσ
κοιμήσεος; no. 62 (Hermopolis Parva), ll. 1–3:
κύριε ἀνάπαυσον τὴν ψυχὴν τοῦ δούλου
σου; no. 282 (Akhmim), ll. 1–2: ὑπὲρ μνήμης. For an overview, see Tudor 2011,
146–157. The presentation closes with the phrase “And
beautifully … leaving his small child, amen”, which has personal and
emotional character; Starting a
new sentence with καί is nothing
unusual in ancient Greek and is an element of spoken language
(personal communication of Adam Łajtar). the last word in
line 5 could be, in our opinion, a verbal form designating the departure of
the commemorated person from this world (i.e. “And he beautifully died/fell
asleep/went to rest etc.”), but we could not find an appropriate form
matching the preserved letters. In
fact, such interpretation allows us to take the form λυπων as the
nominative singular of the aorist active participle of λείπω, “to leave”, that is λυπών for λιπών, rather than the plural genitive of λυπή, “grief”, that is λυπῶν; see n. 2 above. What
follows is an exhortation to prayer (ll. 7–8), and the dating clause (ll.
8–10).
Luckily, what survives from the presentation is the deceased’s
name, honorific title, and function. We learn from it that abba Kuri, described with the epithet “crown-bearing”, The dictionary form of the
adjective is στεφανηφόρος, from
στεφανηφορέω, but forms with
the omicron are found on occasion in Hellenistic
and Roman inscriptions (e.g. a list of magistrates from Smyrna,
CIG 3150, l. 1: ἐπὶ στεφανοφόρου Κόρρης).
More importantly, the adjective is used in this form with
reference to a deceased (but, admittedly, a holy deceased) in a
Coptic papyrus document from Thebes of a date in the 8th
century, just as our inscription, published in Crum 1912, no.
15, ll. 32–35:
ⲡⲁⲑⲗⲟⲫⲟⲣⲟⲥ ⲁⲩⲱ
ⲡⲛⲓⲕⲟⲫⲟⲣⲟⲥ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲥⲧⲉⲫⲁⲛⲟⲫⲟⲣⲟⲥ ⲡⲕⲁⲗⲛⲓⲕⲟⲥ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲡⲙⲁⲣⲧⲩⲣⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲣ ⲟⲩⲟⲉⲓⲛ
ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲡϩⲁⲅⲓⲟⲥ ⲁⲃⲃⲁ ⲃⲓⲕⲧⲱⲣ , “the prize-bearer, victor,
crown-bearer, triumphant, martyr who shines, the holy abba Victor”. was a lector (anagnostes); what was written at the end of line 4
was apparently his other function (probably starting with dia-, but rather not διάκονος). While this is not mentioned (or
not preserved) in the inscription, from the fact that the text was placed on
the wall of the monastic church, we may surmise that Kuri was a monk of Deir
al-Surian or a member of the Church of the Virgin. An exciting feature of
the inscription is a rare reference to the pre-monastic life of the
deceased. Line 6 informs us that Kuri “left a small child”. For a similar phrase, but in a
woman’s epitaph from Banganarti in Nubia (prob. 853/4), see Łajtar
2007, 135–137, with a correction to the interesting place in
Diethart 2015: κ̣α̣[ταλιποῦ]|σα ἀμήτορα στ̣[ένοντα τέ]|κνα, “having
left motherless weeping children”. This can mean that he
either became a monk not long after his child had been born or was not a
monk but only a cleric.
The next lines of the text (ll. 7–8) address the “fathers and
brothers”, meaning here undoubtedly the most natural readers of the
inscription, the monks of Deir al-Surian. For an analogous phrase, but with reference to the “holy
fathers”, that is the deceased members of the community who are to
intercede in front of the Lord for the commemorated person, see a
dipinto from Kellia: N. Bosson in Bridel 1999, 445, no. 182, ll.
4–6: ἅγιοι πατέρες | εὔξασθε περ⟨ὶ⟩ τοῦ | ἀδ̣ελφοῦ Ρούφου, “Holy
fathers, pray for brother Rufus”. They all are implored
to “pray for us ”,
ὑμῶν for ἡμῶν is a common orthography of late Greek texts due
to iotacism: Gignac 1976, 264. E.g. P. Cherix in Bridel 1994, 2:436,
no. 254, l. 6, or R. Kasser, J. Partyka, and N. Bosson in Bridel
1999, 312, no. 149, l. 5, both ὑμᾶς
for ἡμᾶς. which can
refer either more generally to the whole monastic community, struck by the
departure of one of its members, or, more specifically, to Kuri’s widow and
his orphaned child, who ask for prayers in their time of need.
The two last lines of the inscription contain the most crucial
piece of information from the viewpoint of the present article, namely the
exact date of abba Kuri’s death. The event is dated
to Mecheir 21 in the year 430 of the Era of Diocletian, To the best of our knowledge, the form
κλητιανοῦ has so far been unattested in Greek epigraphic and
papyrological sources in the dating formulae according to the Era of
Diocletian, but a Coptic funerary inscription from Antinoe (Hasitzka
1993, no. 768) has ⲕⲗⲏⲇⲓⲁⲛⲟⲩ (l.
11), which renders our reading entirely plausible. which
is 15 February 714 in the Julian calendar. One notes that the indiction date
in the eleventh indictional year disagrees with the date according to the
Diocletian Era by one year: year 430 from Diocletian was in fact the twelfth
indiction. Such a discrepancy is not a common phenomenon but is sufficiently
attested in both papyri and inscriptions. Bagnall and Worp 2004, 64–67
2.2. Commemorative inscription of papa Mouses (G.
Ochała)
In 2018, a composition of paintings and an accompanying text
were uncovered on the eastern wall of the northern side-aisle. The text was
painted in black on two panels enclosed in a red-painted frame, measuring,
respectively, 13 by 32 cm and 17 by 30 cm approximately. These two panels
are located in the middle of the wall, with two military saints, St
Eustathios and St Theodoros Orientalis above and two others, St Jacob the
Persian and St Leontios, below (figs. 2-4). Although the panels do not
include an exact annual date, they provide an important chronological anchor
for dating the painted decoration in the Church of the Virgin. The
paleography of the text, with tall letters of book style decorated with
serifs and a cross-like central part of the omega,
resembles that of the long inscription running around the central dome of
the khurus. This is all the more so since both texts
have the same function, commemorating the persons who supposedly were
responsible for decorating both spaces, and they date from the same period
(see below). Unfortunately, the left panel is almost completely obliterated
in its right part, which makes interpreting the text significantly more
difficult. However, considering the inscription’s context, it is possible to
propose a reconstruction. We owe
thanks to Anne Boud’hors and Jacques van der Vliet who agreed to
read the first draft of this edition and suggested a number of
improvements. The text bears traits of Nitrian Bohairic
(ϫⲓ for ϭⲓ in A, l. 3) and non-literary Bohairic (the conjunctive ⲧⲉ in B, l. 3, and the absence of
nasal-labial assimilation in ⲛⲡⲁⲡⲁ in B,
l. 1)
Fig. 2 The eastern wall of the northern side-aisle
Fig. 3 First part of the inscription
A
1 [†] ⲛ̣ⲁⲓⲗⲓⲙⲏⲛ ⲉⲧⲁⲛⲉⲣⲍⲱ̣[ⲅⲣ]ⲁ̣ⲫ̣ⲓ̣[ⲛ
ⲙⲙⲱ-]
2 ⲟⲩ ⲥⲁⲡϣⲱⲓ ⲛ̇ⲧⲁⲓ̣ⲥ̣ⲁ̣ⲏ̣ⲉ̣ ⲛ̣ϩ̣ⲓ̣ⲕ̣[ⲱⲛ
ⲁⲩ-]
3 ϫⲓ ⲙ̣̇ⲙⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲛⲧⲉ ⲡⲟⲩⲥ̣ⲱ̣[ⲙⲁ ⲉⲑⲟⲩⲁⲃ.]
4 ⲗⲓⲡⲟⲛ ⲙⲁ̣ⲣⲉⲛϣⲱⲡ̣ⲓ̣ ϧ̣ⲉ̣ⲛ̣ [ⲟⲩⲧⲱⲙⲧ.]
1. ζωγραφεῖν || 2. l. ⲥⲁⲓⲉ; εἐκών ||
3. μέλος; σῶμα || 4. l. ⲗⲟⲓⲡⲟⲛ, λοιπόν
1 † These portraits, which we have painted
2 above this beautiful image, have
3 received the members of their [holy] body.
4 Hence, let us be [amazed This reconstruction was proposed to us by
Jacques van der Vliet, who also noted that other words could be
supplemented here as well, e.g. ϩⲟϯ, “fear”, or ⲥⲑⲱⲧ
, “trembling”.
(?)].
Fig. 4 Second part of the inscription
B
1 † ⲁⲣⲓ ⲫⲙⲉⲩⲓ̣ ⲛⲡⲁⲡⲁ ⲙⲱⲩ̣ⲥⲏⲥ̣
2 ⲡⲓⲟⲓⲕⲟⲛⲟ̣ⲙⲟⲥ (ⲟⲩⲟϩ) ⲡⲓϩⲩ̇ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲉⲛⲟ(ⲥ)
3 ⲛⲧⲉ ⲧⲁⲓⲉ̣ⲕ̣ⲕⲗ(ⲏⲥⲓⲁ). ⲧⲉ ⲡⲟ︦ⲥ ⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉ̇ⲣⲟϥ
4 ϫⲉ ⲛⲑⲟϥ ⲉ[ⲑ]ϥ̣ⲓⲣⲱⲟⲩϣ. ⲁ̇ⲙⲏⲛ. ~
2. inscr. ⲡⲓⲟⲓⳤ⸌ⲟ⸍ⲛⲟ̣ⲙⲟⲥ, οἰκόνομος; ⲋ;
inscr. ⲡⲓϩⲩ̇ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲉⲛ⸌ⲟ⸍; ἡγούμενος || 3. inscr. ⲧⲁⲓⲉ̣ⲕ̣ⳤ⸌ⲗ⸍, ἐκκλησία
1 † Remember papa Mouses,
2 the oikonomos and hegoumenos
3 of this church. May the Lord bless him,
4 for he is the one who provides. Amen.
As mentioned above, the dipinto is comparable with another text
from the same church, the long inscription running around the central dome.
The latter is regrettably quite lacunary but appears to commemorate the act
of founding the painted decoration of the dome. What is wholly preserved are
the names of several persons seemingly involved in the whole enterprise,
including papa For the title papa
, occurring also
in the present text, interpreted as a monastic rather than
ecclesiastical title, see now the analysis in Laver
2022. Aaron, deacon Ioannes, and – most notably in
the present context – papa Moses, oikonomos and hegoumenos, The inscription is unpublished; G.O.’s reading
of the fragment with the names from the photo: ⲡⲁⲡⲁ ⲙⲱⲩⲥⲏⲥ ⲡⲓϩⲓⲕⲟⲩ̣ⲙ̣ⲉ̣ⲛ̣ⲟⲥ
ⲡⲓ<ⲓ>ⲟⲓⲕⲟ̣ⲛⲟⲙⲟⲥ ⲛⲉⲙ ⲡⲁⲡⲁ ⲁϩⲁⲣⲱⲛ ⲛⲉⲙ̣ ⲡ̣ⲓⲇ̣ⲓⲁ̣ⲕⲟⲛ ⲓⲱⲁⲛⲛⲏⲥ
ⲁⲙⲏⲛ , “papa Mouses, hegoumenos (and) oikonomos and papa Aharon and
deacon Ioannes. Amen". without any doubt the same person
as in the present text. In his 2009 article on Coptic epigraphy of Wadi
al-Natrun monasteries, Jacques van der Vliet discusses this inscription and
observes that the three men were representatives of “the monastic
authorities in whose period of office and under whose supervision the dome
above the khurus was refurbished”. He further notes
that they may have been “sponsors of the operation”, but concludes that –
given the state of preservation of the text – their mention rather functions
as a means of dating of the event during their service in the
monastery. Van der Vliet
2009, 336–37. In the present inscription, by contrast,
the reason for commemorating Moses is mentioned explicitly in the last line
of part B as “he is the one who provides”. Admittedly, as the phrase is
apparently in the present tense,
It could also be reconstructed ⲛⲑⲟϥ
ⲉ[ϥ]ϥ̣ⲓⲣⲱⲟⲩϣ , where ⲉϥ- would be present II in its Nitrian form; the
meaning would be basically the same. this can be a
general statement of Moses’s involvement in refurbishing the church, This includes the present
painting, the decoration of the dome over the khurus, the rebuilding of the sanctuary, and the two pairs
of wooden doors leading to the haikal and the khurus (the door inscriptions were edited
and discussed in Leroy 1974, 153–59; Brock 2012,
18–19). not only this particular work. However, one
notes that analogous verbs are used in Syriac inscriptions in connection
with Moses’s activity: isep, “he took care”, and etḥappaṭ, “he strove”, with the meaning “he took the
initiative”. E.g. in the
inscription in wood dated 914: isep
wa-bna
, “he took care and built” (Luk Van Rompay’s
translation; Leroy 1974, 154 translated “s’est occupé de faire
batir”; in Brock 2012, 18 one finds “was concerned to
build”). If so, then it is not inconceivable
that his role here was not as a mere “chronological pointer”, but as the
true initiator, founder, and supervisor of the work. The nature of this work
is explicitly presented in part A of the text as “these portraits” (ⲛ̣ⲁⲓⲗⲓⲙⲏⲛ), most logically the painted
composition adorning the wall, which the inscription accompanies. The word is often used for
wall-paintings, see Godron 1983, 1-52, and idem 1990, 43-48; see
also the note by Drescher 1976, 3-4. We thank Jacques van der Vliet
for providing these references. The unidentified “we”,
repeated in line 4 in the phrase “let us be” (ⲙⲁⲣⲉⲛϣⲱⲡ̣ⲓ̣) and thus perhaps meaning the whole monastic
community, executed these paintings “above this beautiful image”. These
portraits “received” – which must mean something like “represented” or
“reproduced” We again thank
Jacques van der Vliet for suggesting this interpretation.
– “the members of their [holy] body”. The unnamed “they” undoubtedly refers
to the four military saints identified in the painting. The expression
“members of their body”, although it should naturally be considered a
euphemism for human figures painted on the wall, seems a little bizarre in
the given context. However, there seems to be a plausible explanation for
its use here. As we believe, the wooden reliquary discussed above, adorned
with the figures of the same saints as those represented on the wall, was
most probably originally displayed and venerated in this very space. Thus,
should this be the case, the phrase could be treated literally as a
reference to the actual body parts of the saints enclosed in the box. This would not be the first time
for an author of an inscription in Deir al-Surian to make use of
such a play on words: see the Coptic funerary inscription of abbot
Makari (Innemée, Ochała, and Van Rompay 2016, 165–71), where the
protagonist is called ⲡⲓⲛⲁⲓⲁⲧϥ ⲁⲗⲏⲑ̣[ⲱ]ⲥ
ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲧ⸌ⲉ⸍ⲣⲙ̇ⲏⲛ⸌ⲓ⸍ⲁ ⲙ̇ⲡⲉϥⲣⲁⲛ , “the truly blessed,
according to the translation of his name”, a clear reference to the
etymology of the name Makari (from the Greek μακάριος, “blessed”).
2.3. A new Syriac inscription (L. Van Rompay) I want to acknowledge the helpful discussions
on this inscription with Aaron Butts (University of
Hamburg).
This inscription was uncovered in September 2022. It is located
on the right side in the intrados between the nave and the khurus.
The badly damaged text originally must have filled 11 lines,
justified on both sides. If the traces of ink to the left of the beginning
of the first line belong to the same inscription, they would create an
additional line. It is unlikely, however, that this additional line had the
same amount of writing as the other lines. The only identifiable letter of
this additional line is mim (ܡ), perhaps as part of the phrase b-šem (ܒܫܡ) “in the name of”,
which may be the beginning of an introductory formula. This introductory piece is not counted as a
separate line in the edition below.
The script is early Serto, For the periodization and the terminology of the Syriac
script, see Brock and Van Rompay 2014, xxi-xxii. with
typical Serto forms for waw, alaph, dalath, resh,
taw, and ṭeth. The letters
taw and ṭeth are joined to
the preceding letter on the top of the letter rather than on the base line.
This way of joining, unknown in Estrangela, is typical of Serto. Only the
angularity of some letters and the form of the letter shin (ܫ) remind one of earlier
Estrangela. The Serto ligature alaph+lamadh occurs in
line 3 (ܐܠܦܐ) and probably in line 10
(ܐܠܗܐ). The Serto ligature lamadh+alaph does not seem to be attested (line 5:
ܠـܐ rather than ܠܐ). The final lamadh
probably does not have a second shaft (line 8 – the reading is not certain).
The script would fit in the ninth or the tenth century. Even though it is
not very regular and a bit uneven, it betrays the hand of an experienced
writer, who may have found it more challenging to write on the plaster of a
wall than on parchment. The ink is black and thick.
Very little of this inscription can be read. Lines 3 and 8 are
the only ones to offer small portions of coherent text. Only isolated
letters and parts of words can be seen on the remaining lines. Our reading of the text is based
on two photographs: one was made in September 2022; the other,
enhanced photograph dates from November 2022. Both photographs are
included in this paper. In the edition and translation, square
brackets are used for text that is missing; dots outside the
brackets for traces of letters that cannot be identified; and
underlining for uncertain readings. Text between square brackets is
reconstructed on the basis of context and/or parallel
inscriptions.
Fig. 5 (September
2022)
Fig. 5 (Enhanced)
Syriac text
[ܒܫـ]ܡ [ ... ؟ ... ]
[ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
]ܐܐ
[ . . . . . . . . . . . ] ܟܣܝܐ . [. .
]
ܒܕܝܪܐ ܗܕܐ ܒܫܢܬ ܐܠܦܐ ܘܡܬ[ܝܢ]
[ . ] . . [ . . . . . . . . . . ]
ܐܚܪ[ܝ]
[ . . . ] ܕܝܢ [ . . ]ܗ ܠـܐ [ . . . . .
]
[ . . . ] ܥܠܡ ܘܠـ[ . ] ܒܗ[ . . .
]
ܖ[ . . ] . ܠܛܒـ[ . . . ] . [ . . . . .
]
[.]ܡܪ[ܝ] . . ܠـ ܠܒܝܫ [ܠـܐܠܗ]ܐ [ܘ]ܡܪܝ
[.]ܢܛـ[.]
ܠـ[.] ܡـ[. . . . . ] . [ . . . . . . .
]
[ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ]
ܐܠܗ[ܐ]
[ . . . ]ܐ . . . . [ . . . ] . . . [ . . . ] .
Translation
[In the na]me of [ … ? … ]
[ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ]
[ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ] hidden [ . . . ]
in this monastery in the year one thousand
and two hundred
[ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ] second
[ . . . ] however [ . . . ] not [ . . . . . . . . . ]
[ . . . . . . ] eternity and [ .] in [ . . .
]
[ . . . ] for the good [ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ]
[ . ] Mar [ . . . ]l the [God-]clad [and]
Mar [.]nat[ . ]
[ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ]
[ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ] God
[ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ]
Three pieces of information help us understand the general
outline of the message that is being conveyed: 1) it is about “this
monastery” (line 3), i.e., Deir al-Surian; 2) there is a date (line 3 and
possibly 4); 3) the title “God-clad” occurs, which usually is used for
patriarchs; the names of two patriarchs may have been present. Each of these
topics require further explanation.
“This monastery”
The same expression occurs in other inscriptions in Deir
al-Surian. One example is the inscription reporting on the building of the
monastery in 818/9, Van Rompay
and Innemée, 2020-2022, Inscription A. where “this
monastery” (line 9 – the phrase is followed by the official name of the
monastery) is the object of the building activities. Another example is the
inscription reporting on the arrival of the patriarchal envoys in 1166/7,
who “entered into this monastery” (line 2) carrying the synodical letter
from the Syriac-Orthodox patriarch to Egypt.
Ibid., Inscription C. These are
official inscriptions created on behalf of the monastic authorities or the
monastic community as a whole. The same official status may perhaps be
attributed to our new inscription, even though it remains unknown whether
reference is made here to some construction activity or to an event of a
different nature.
The date
In the second half of line 3, we propose the reading “in the
year one thousand and two hundred”. Following “one thousand,” the letters
waw and mim can be read
with confidence. This clarity reduces the options for the hundreds to “one
hundred” (ܘܡܐܐ) and “two hundred”
(ܘܡܬܝܢ), The standard spelling is ܡܐܬܝܢ , but the form ܡܬܝܢ is not uncommon, see Payne Smith,
Thesaurus Syriacus, col. 1984. With the
construct of “year,” the expression ܫܢܬ
ܐܠܦܐ
ܘܡܬܝܢ “the year one thousand and two hundred”
frequently occurs in the Chronicle of Zuqnin
(see Beth Mardutho, Simtho). The Maqari
inscription, dated A.Gr. 1200, uses ܒܫܢܬ
ܐܠܦ
ܘܡܬܝܢ (line 7), see Innemée, Ochała, Van Rompay 2015,
160 and 188. as the higher numbers (three hundred and
higher) require the numeral to precede the hundred (as in English). The
letter following mim most likely is taw, as the connection between mim and the
top of taw is very similar to the way nun and taw are joined
together in ܒܫܢܬ “in the year” on the same line. Additionally, the ink below
(what probably is) taw, may be part of the final nun, thus lending support to the reading ܘܡܬܝܢ “two hundred”. The year 1200 of the Seleucid era (A.Gr.) is
888/9 CE.
Whether this is the full date or only part of it remains
uncertain. As a matter of fact, the date may continue on line 4, with the
decade and the single digit. Even though there is residue of ink just above
the damaged spot that covers most of line 4, it is impossible to decide
whether this is the continuation of the date or a subsequent part of the
inscription. One might
speculate that if indeed this is part of the date, the first trace
of writing may be the upper part of alaph – a
tall letter, extending above the main line – and the second the
upper part of ʿayn
. This would allow us
to propose the reading
ܐ[ܪܒـ]ܥـ[ܝܢ] “forty”(the year 1240 of the Seleucid era is
928/9 CE – the final digit may or may not have been present). There
is, however, no firm ground for this proposal.
Towards the end of line 4, a few letters are visible, which at first sight may be read as ܐܝܪ , i.e., the month of Iyar, the equivalent of our month of May. Because the yudh is not clear, however, and there is additional room for a letter or two at the end of the line, it is preferable to read ܐܚܪ[ܝ] or ܐܚܪ[ܝܐ] “last, or second” which is used as part of the names of the months of ܬܫܪܝܢ ܐܚܪܝ (November) and ܟܢܘܢ ܐܚܪܝ (January). Neither of these two readings can be ruled out.
The patriarchs
Almost nothing can be read in lines 5, 6, and 7. In the middle
of line 8, the participle ܠܒܝܫ “clothed” catches the eye. In the construct state, followed
by ܠـܐܠܗܐ, this is often used as an honorific title for patriarchs,
ܠܒܝܫ ܠـܐܠܗܐ “God-clad”. See, e.g., Van Rompay and Innemée, 2020-2022, Inscription A,
line 11. Even though in our inscription the participle
is followed by a damaged spot and, as a result, the second component of the
expression cannot be read, the presence of a final alaph lends support to the possibility that the full reading ܠܒܝܫ [ܠـܐܠܗ]ܐ “God-clad” originally was written. This expression
is followed by ܡܪܝ
, i.e., Mar, “Sir” or “Monsignor,” which is evidence that a
patriarch’s name was once written here. Only an initial or medial nun of the name can be seen, followed by an upward
stroke, which may be the beginning of lamadh, or the
connecting stroke of a ṭeth or a taw.
The possibility cannot be ruled out that another name was
written at the beginning of line 8, where, with some difficulty, the title
ܡܪ[ܝ], Mar, may be read, probably followed by a proper name ending
with lamadh. The presence of the names of two
patriarchs would be in agreement with the common practice, found in
inscriptions and manuscript colophons related to Deir al-Surian, of
mentioning two patriarchs, the Egyptian (“of Egypt” or “of Alexandria”) and
the Syrian (“of Syria” or “of Antioch”), whereby throughout the ninth and
tenth centuries the former usually is mentioned before the latter. Van Rompay 2004, 62.
If there ever was any geographical indication in our inscription, it has
disappeared.
In the Coptic-Orthodox Church, Michael III (Khael or Khayil)
was patriarch between 880 and 907 CE. See Atiya, ʿAbd al-Masīḥ, Khs.-Burmester 1948, 103-115. He was succeeded by
Patriarch Gabriel (909-920 CE).
Ibid., 116-118. Neither of them
has left traces in the Syriac historiographical tradition. In the
Christian-Arabic and Ethiopic traditions, however, a synodical letter by the
Syriac-Orthodox Patriarch Theodosios (887-896) to his Coptic counterpart
Michael III is preserved It is
preserved in the Arabic collection known as Kitāb
iʿtirāf al-ʾabāʾ “Book of the Confession of the Fathers”;
see Graf 1937, 395; Id. 1944, 443-444. The Arabic collection was
translated into Geʿez (Hāymānota Abaw “Faith
of the Fathers); see Zotenberg 1877, 120b, no. 37. Both the Arabic
and the Ethiopic text remain unedited. (since Theodosios
took office seven years after Michael’s ordination, this cannot have been
sent at the beginning of Michael’s tenure, as would have been the usual
practice). Since both Michael III and Gabriel have names that end in lamadh in Syriac, either of them could fill the place
in line 8 of our inscription, where indeed the name of the Coptic patriarch
is expected.
In the year 1200 A.Gr. (888/9 CE), Theodosios was the
patriarch of the Syriac-Orthodox Church (887-896). On Patriarch Theodosios, see Van Rompay 2011,
406-407. According to the Chronicle of Michael Rabo, he was ordained in Amid in the month
Shebaṭ of the year 1198, which is February 887 CE. With his ordination there
came an end to a four-year vacancy, during which the bishops had been unable
to agree on a candidate. The vacancy began after the death of Patriarch
Ignatios, whose short tenure covered the period from Ḥeziran of the year
1189 (June 878 CE) to his death in Adar of the year 1194 (March 883
CE). Ed. Ibrahim 2009,
550c-552c; French translation: Chabot 1905/2008, 119-120.
We cannot rule out the possibility that the name of the
Syriac patriarch in our inscription is Ignatios (Syriac: [ܐܝܓـ]ܢܛـ[ܝܘܣ]). For the different spellings of
the Syriac name, see Payne Smith, Thesaurus
Syriacus
, 28-29. This name would,
however, create a chronological gap of a bit more than five years between
the death of Ignatios (March 883) and the earliest possible date of our
inscription (October 888). Even though the four-year vacancy would somewhat
justify the continued use of the deceased patriarch’s name beyond his death,
that still would leave us with more than one year since the ordination of
Theodosios (February 887).
Whether our predicament can be reduced to a chronological
problem or whether it is due to the scarcity of sources available for this
period remains unknown. Even if we take the most cautious approach, the date
of 1200 A.Gr. (or rather: 12[…]) still stands, allowing a date for our
inscription between 888/889 and 987/988 CE. The Coptic patriarchs during this period are: Michael III
(880-907), Gabriel (909-920), Cosmas III (921-933), Macarios I
(933-953), Theophanes (953-956), Menas II (956-974), Afraham
(975-978), and Philotheos (979-1003). The Syriac patriarchs are
(following Ignatios): Theodosios (887-896), Dionysios II (896-909),
Yuḥanon IV (910-922), Basilios (923-935), Yuḥanon V (936-953),
Iwannis/Yuḥanon VI (954-957), Dionysios III (958-961), Abrohom
(962-963), Yuḥanon VI (965-986), and Athanasios V
(987-1002/3). The script of the inscription would not
militate against a date in the earlier half of this period.
3. Chronology of the building phases and painted decoration (K.C.
Innemée)
3.1. The first phase: the seventh century
The church must have been built around the middle of the
seventh century, under the patriarchate of Benjamin I. Grossmann 2002, 501-02 After the
building was completed, the interior was plastered and whitewashed. Soon
afterward, almost all over the church decorative patterns were applied,
consisting of geometrical decorations and crosses in red, yellow, and
orange, most of them of the so-called Maltese model. Although no chemical analyses have been done
so far, it is most likely that the pigments used are red and yellow
ochre. A plinth zone of approximately 40 cm in height
painted in red was applied throughout the church on the lower parts of the
walls. It is a kind of basic decoration that monks probably made and can
also be found in hermitages in various parts of Egypt.
3.2. The second phase: the eighth and ninth centuries
The next phase of decoration consisted of a painted dado-zone,
2 meters high, which was applied on almost all walls of the church. Only in
the khurus, on the narrow strips of the western wall
flanking the doorway to the nave, this dado was apparently absent. The
decoration consists of painted columns supporting an architrave with a
triangular pattern that seems to imitate white marble and red porphyry
inlay. Between the columns, there are painted imitations of white marble
panelling. Such imitations of opus sectile are quite
common in late antiquity and can be found in house decorations, tombs, and
churches. Rostovtzeff 1919,
pl. VIII; Deichmann 1983, 325-26. An example of such
marble imitation in a church not remote in time and space from Deir
al-Surian was found in Karm al-Ahbariya, a sixth-century church just north
of Abu Mena. Witte-Orr 2010,
89-94. The interior figurative paintings were gradually
added to this basic decoration in the upper zones. This process must have
covered a period of more than a century. The first paintings of saints were
added in the khurus, and only afterward, the upper
walls of the nave were decorated. One of the last series of paintings added
on this layer may have been the ones dedicated to the memory of Abbot
Maqari, made in or shortly after 889. Innemée, Ochała, Van Rompay 2015. They occupy the
eastern part of the southern side-aisle, which was turned into what looks
like a commemorative chapel.
Until recently it was only an estimation that the dado-painting
and the layer of whitewash on which it was applied could date back to around
700. The Greek commemorative inscription dated to 714 now gives a clear
indication. The layer of whitewash on which the text is written is
relatively clean. Given the fact that the inscription is next to the
entrance of the church, a place where one can expect wear, tear, and grime
from the hands of people moving in and out, the conclusion can be drawn that
it was exposed for a relatively short period, after which the dado covered
it. In other words, it seems safe to date the dado to shortly after 714. In
the course of the eighth century the upper parts of the walls would be
gradually decorated with representations of saints painted in the encaustic
technique and finally the Christological/Mariological cycle of paintings
would be painted in the apse and the three semi-domes. That the paintings in the semi-domes were made
later than certain paintings on the upper walls of the church can be
deduced from the drops of encaustic paint that were found on the
paintings below the Epiphany scene in the northern semi-dome in the
khurus.
3.3. The third phase: renovations in the ninth and tenth centuries
It is difficult to pinpoint the moment of arrival of the first
Syriac monks in the monastery; the first pieces of evidence date back to the
second decade of the ninth century, when a group of “Brothers of Tikrit”,
who are named as Mattay, Abraham, Yawsep, Theodoros, and Ya῾qub, arrived in
Egypt and are mentioned as being involved in the (re)building of the
monastery. Two inscriptions on the church's walls refer to this restoration:
one by Mattay and Ya῾qub on the northern wall of the northern side-aisle,
and the other by Abraham and Theodoros on the southern wall of the central
nave. Innemée, Van Rompay
1998, 182-83; Van Rompay, Schmidt 2001; Van Rompay, Innemée
2020-2022, 110-19. The necessity of restoring and
enlarging the monastery is most likely a result of the raid of Bedouins on
Sketis that must have taken place around 816. White 1932, 298, 311. There is,
however, no evidence of significant damage to the church: the paintings from
the seventh and eighth centuries that have been uncovered bear no traces of
intentional damage or fire. Their state of preservation suggests that there
was no need to launch a renovation of the interior of the church, while in
the course of the ninth century additional paintings were made on the
eighth-century plaster. The best example of this is the paintings
commemorating Abbot Maqari that were made in the southern side-aisle, where
the upper walls were still blank, apart from a few inscriptions by visitors.
Maqari was succeeded as an abbot by his son Yuḥanon, the
predecessor of Moses of Nisibis, who may have become abbot in or a few years
after 906/7 and who is last mentioned in 943/4 (ms. London, Brit. Libr. Add.
14,525, f. 1v). Brock
2012. It was under his abbotship that considerable additions
were made to the iconographical programme of the mural paintings in the
church, and in 914 the sanctuary of the church was completely remodelled
from an apse into a square domed building. The dated inscription on the
precious wooden doors that separate the khurus from
the sanctuary provides us with this date. White 1933, 197, Leroy 1974, 154. Parts of the
walls that carried only decorative paintings, such as crosses and floral
patterns, were plastered over and paintings were added that formed an
extension of the eighth/ninth century iconographical programme. Such
paintings were added on the upper walls of the khurus, on the upper walls of the central nave, and on the eastern
wall of the northern side-aisle. The assumption that Moses commissioned the
paintings is based on the presence of a Coptic inscription around the dome
over the khurus that mentions “papa Moses the hegoumenos and oikonomos” and the inscription on the eastern wall of
the northern side-aisle. Innemée
2001, 265. Neither of the two is dated precisely, so
nothing more can be said than that the paintings associated with them date
back to the decades between 914 and 944.
Fig. 6 Left intrados
On the eastern wall of the central nave, several additions were
made, probably in the tenth century, by locally overplastering the
seventh/eighth-century layer and adding several figures. In the upper part
of the wall the fragments of the additions that have survived are too
disconnected to identify the figures, but in the lower part, many paintings
could be identified by their captions. Only part of these paintings have
been uncovered so far, so it is too early for final conclusions, but it
seems clear that several Syriac and Coptic patriarchs have been depicted. To
the left of the doorway to the khurus there is a
painting with the inscription ἄββα Ἰωσήφ. There was a Syriac-Orthodox patriarch, Joseph who had a very
short tenure: 790-792. But also a Coptic-Orthodox patriarch by that
name: 831-849 (?). To the right of this is the
calligraphic text in Syriac that reads “Saintly Cyriacus, Patriarch of
Antioch”. Innemée, Van
Rompay 1998, 184, fig. 7. In the left intrados of the
arch between the nave and the khurus, directly next
to this calligraphy, there is a painting representing ἄββα Ἰάκκωβος (sic)
(fig. 6).
The inscription, in which the apparently forgotten ω and β were
added in white paint in a somewhat improvised way, is still clearly visible,
while the figure of the father is covered by the wooden doorjamb of the door
that separates the khurus from the nave. On the
opposite side, in the right intrados, there is a figure that could not yet
be identified and is equally covered by the right doorjamb. To the right,
there is another figure, still covered by a later layer of plaster, but with
an accompanying inscription that reads [ἄ]ββ[α] Δ[ι]ον[ύ]σιος. These three
figures do not have the epithet ἅγιος and do not show a typically monastic
outfit, as far as their costumes are visible, so they likely represent
patriarchs, contemporary or from a recent past. Dionysius of Antioch
(818-845) and Ya῾qub of Alexandria (819-830) are mentioned in the
inscriptions of the Takritan brothers Mattay and Ya῾qub and of Abraham and
Theodoros as those patriarchs who were in office during the restoration work
that is commemorated by the texts. Van Rompay, Innemée 2022, 113, 117-18. Cyriacus
(793-817) was the predecessor of Dionysius. In all likelihood, we are
dealing not with contemporary representations of these patriarchs but with a
list of portraits created approximately a century later. The difference in
style and technique in these ´portraits´ could mean that they were not made
simultaneously. For instance, the calligraphy of Cyriacus´ name may have
been done at a relatively late moment as a substitute for a figurative
representation for which there was not enough space available. On the second
layer of plaster/whitewash (eighth century), on the right side of the
intrados between nave and khurus, a fragmentary Syriac inscription can be
distinguished, partly covered by the (yet unidentified) figure on the third
layer.
The succession of phases as visible in this part of the church
would mean that at least two changes in the appearance of the archway
between nave and khurus took place within a
relatively short period. After 888/9, a commemorative inscription in Syriac
(see 2.3.) was written on the still blank plaster. At an unknown moment, the
lower part of the eastern wall of the nave, including the intrados, was
covered with a layer of whitewash to add paintings. This whitewash may have
happened in the early tenth century, when under Moses of Nisibis, paintings
were added in several parts of the church. In this way, the inscription
disappeared under the painting of a yet unknown figure. This painting, in
turn, disappeared out of sight in 926, when the wooden doors commissioned by
Moses were placed. The terminus post quem of 888/9
and the terminus ante quem of 926 between which
apparently the paintings on the eastern wall were made, not only give us a
valuable and reliable means of dating, but also an impression of how, during
the first part of his abbacy, he ordered several embellishments to the
interior of the church within a timespan of a few decades. The monumental
doors to the sanctuary bear the date of 914, Leroy 1974, 154. but the additions
of paintings in several parts of the church may have been done earlier. How
much earlier remains challenging to say.
Among the other murals in the church commissioned by Moses, the
paintings and the Coptic inscription (nr. 2 above) on the eastern wall of
the northern side-aisle take a special place. They occupy the back wall of a
niche that was until recently covered by an eighteenth-century maqsura (relic shrine) that contained the main relics
of the church (fig. 7). The most
important relics are now kept in a modern shrine in the northern
part of the khurus
.
Fig. 7 Eastern wall of northern side-aisle with maqsura
Until the eighteenth century it must have been the location of
the much older relic shrine that was found by Walter Hauser in the keep and
is now in the museum of the monastery (fig. 8). White 1933, 194-95. Before this shrine was
placed here, there may have been an even older shrine containing
relics, judging from the number of dipinti of various kinds
(including the inscription of Mattay and Ya῾qub from 816) on the
adjacent wall.
Fig. 8 The relic shrine, now in the museum of the
monastery
This wooden shrine with ivory inlay is most likely to be from
the same workshop in which the doors between khurus
and sanctuary and between the nave and khurus were
made and can, therefore, be considered a contemporary work of art
commissioned by Moses of Nisibis as well. It seems pretty likely that this
shrine had its place where, in the eighteenth century, the maqsura was constructed, and evidence for this has recently come
to light. The ivory inlay on the front of the shrine shows seven standing
figures standing in an arcade of seven arches. Although most of the inlay
has disappeared, the contours of the figures are still well recognisable,
and six of the seven are identified by inlaid texts in Greek. In the middle,
there is the Christ Emmanouel (Ἐμμανουήλ), with the Virgin Mary (ἡ ἅγια
Μαρία) on his right side, figures that correspond to those in the central
panels on the doors to the khurus. To the left of
Christ, there is the figure of St John (ὁ ἅγιος Ἰωάννης; it is not clear
whether it refers to the Baptist or the Evangelist). At the far left of the
front, St Eustathios (Εὐστάθιος) has been depicted, and to his right, St
Theodore (Θεώδορος). The hagiographical traditions concerning the several
military saints with this latter name are complicated and intertwined, and
it is unclear which one is meant here. The figure on the far right remains
anonymous since only the words ὁ ἅγιος have been inlaid, and the name was
omitted for an unknown reason. The contours of the lost ivory, however, show
that it must have been a military saint with an oval shield in his left
hand. Left of him there is a figure called ὁ ἅγιος Ἰάκοβος, also depicted as
a military saint. Four saints are depicted on the wall in the niche where
the shrine is supposed to have stood. In the upper part on the left, St
Eustathios is shown hunting a stag over which a figure of Christ appears in
a tondo or a fragment of a heavenly sphere. There is no inscription that identifies the horseman, but the
hunting scene with the appearance of Christ identifies the figure as
Eustathios. According to his Vita he saw an
appearance of Christ while hunting a stag, a legend similar to the
western legend of St Hubert. Bibliotheca
Hagiographica Graeca 641, for reference to mss see
https://pinakes.irht.cnrs.fr/notices/oeuvre/15538/
As his counterpart to the right, a horseman attacks a snake with a human
head curled on the ground below a ladder that leads to the same figure of
Christ in the circle. Although there is no inscription visible that
identifies this horseman, these particular details of the human-headed snake
and the ladder can only point at the Vita of
Theodoros Orientalis, where a vision of a heavenly ladder and a fight with
Satan in the form of a snake with a human head are described. Nafroth 2017, 319-329. My thanks
go to Stephen Emmel for this reference. In the middle of
the lower part of the wall, there must have been a panel or an icon that is
no longer there, judging from the contours visible in the tenth-century
plaster. On the seventh-century plaster where this panel must have been,
what is visible now is a painting of the Virgin Galaktotrophousa, which
could mean that the now missing panel or icon was also a representation of
the Virgin. The inscription of Moses seems to refer to this now missing
panel in the phrase “these portraits, which we have painted above this
beautiful image”, implying that the icon already existed at the time of
Moses and that it was incorporated into the composition.
On either side of where the panel used to be, there is a
standing figure of a military saint, depicted standing frontally, in a
military outfit and holding an oval shield. A Coptic inscription identifies
the left one as Jacob the Persian, and the right one (by a Greek or Coptic
inscription) as St Leontios. This Leontios should be Leontios of Tripoli, a
first-century Roman soldier who was martyred for his faith and popular in
the region of Antioch. The contours of the figures and the detail that they
are holding oval shields makes them look similar to the contours of the two
military saints on the far right on the relic chest: ὁ ἅγιος Ἰάκοβος and the
anonymous ὁ ἅγιος. Thus, considering the apparent parallelism of the wall
paintings and the reliquary, it is nearly certain that the former should be
identified with St James the Persian and reasonably probable that the latter
is St Leontios.
Fig. 9 Eastern wall of the northern side-aisle,
reconstruction of the original situation.
The inscription in the two text panels between the paintings
provides a link between the paintings and the reliquary and shows
undisputedly that Moses of Nisibis had a role in commissioning both. The
saints whose relics were kept in the shrine were depicted in both the
paintings and the ivory inlay, and these parallel representations support
their iconographic identification. The sentence “these portraits, which we
have painted above this beautiful image, have received the members of their
[holy] body” alludes to both the relics and the wall paintings. It is,
therefore, possible to make a virtual reconstruction of the situation as it
must have existed in the tenth century (fig. 9). In all likelihood, the
refurbishing of this corner of the church took place in the period before
926/7, after which Moses was absent from the monastery for a considerable
time. Brock 2012,
15.
3.4. Late paintings
Approximately three centuries later, the interior of the church
underwent a thorough renovation: the wooden roofs over the side-aisles and
return aisle were replaced by brick vaults, blocked windows that had taken
the shape of niches were now completely walled up, and the total interior
was covered by a fresh layer of plaster that was a few millimetres thick in
some places, but several centimetres in some other. New paintings were made
throughout the church. The exact date of this operation is unknown, and
based on the style of the paintings, an estimation of the first half of the
thirteenth century has been made. The paintings are in style comparable to thirteenth-century
paintings, such as in St Anthony’s monastery and Deir al-Baramus,
but also to illustrations in manuscripts from the first half of the
thirteenth century; Hunt 1985. The first half of the thirteenth
century must have been a period of prosperity for the monastery;
White 1932, 390-91; Van Rompay 2008, 748-49. So far, no
textual evidence has been found that would support a more precise dating.
The final refurbishment of the church can be dated in a
relatively precise way. According to a marginal note in a manuscript from
the monastery's library, the church was re-consecrated in 1782, Oral information from Father
(meanwhile bishop) Martyros. and it seems likely that
this was done after a critical renovation had been finished. It appears now
that this renovation was done in two main phases, of which the last phase
was finished in 1782. Before the renovation, all the woodwork in the church
was in bad condition, affected by termites. In addition, in the western part
of the church, a fire must have caused serious damage to the wooden lintels
over the entrance, the columns and piers, and the roof. The charred and
burned remains of these wooden elements have been found under the
eighteenth-century plaster. It seems that the church's restoration project
was interrupted for some time and resumed. These phases are shown by the two
superimposed layers of eighteenth-century plaster, the first one of which
must have been exposed for only a short period A few dipinti by visitors in Syriac have been
found on this temporarily exposed layer of plaster, indicating that
the church was accessible during the interruption of the restoration
work. and may date back to the middle of the eighteenth
century or slightly later. In the meantime, the church was apparently not in
use. The French naturalist Charles Sonnini de Manoncourt visited the
monastery in 1775, and concerning the church he writes:
“The ancient Syrian chapel still remains. It is
tolerably handsome, and adorned with sculptures, and paintings in fresco. On
one of the pillars the names of several Europeans are cut, but those of the
French travellers, Baron and Granger, are the only ones I knew. The Cophts
do not make use of this chapel; but have built another, after their own
fashion, that is, in the form of a cross.” Sonnini 1799, 181.
This Coptic church he mentions is apparently the so-called
Church of the Cave, the second church in the monastery. In his description,
Sonnini mentions the wall paintings in the Syrian church, from which we can
conclude that they were apparently not yet covered with the final layer of
plaster. The graffiti of European travellers that he mentions are not
visible nowadays, but they may be waiting to be uncovered under the plaster
on the masonry piers that are still covered by the final layer of plaster.
All this shows that in 1775, the final layer of plaster had not yet been
applied.
4. Conclusions
The graffiti and dipinti on the walls of the church of the Holy
Virgin in Deir al-Surian (as in so many other monuments), despite their
difference in language and character, have in common that they mark moments in
time that connect persons and events with the building. The reasons and the
occasions for leaving an inscription behind can vary and range from the humble
and personal text of a visitor who commemorates his visit in the form of a
prayer to the announcement or commemoration of events that are deemed of
interest for all who use or visit the church. These texts can be read as a diary
of events connected with the church and its congregation. As in an
archaeological stratigraphy, the layers of plaster and whitewash on the walls of
the church could be compared to the folios of a codex, and ‘reading’ the pages
reveals the history of the building and its community. As in a damaged
manuscript, these pages are not intact anymore, and many of the events recorded
are without a date. The joint efforts of conservators, epigraphists, and art
historians can help put a chronological order in shreds of information that tell
the history of a church building. The recent finds of (dated) inscriptions in
Deir al-Surian have underscored once more the importance of Moses of Nisibis as
a church patron. Furthermore, they have narrowed down the number of intervals
within which artistic additions to the church have been made.
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