Pier Giorgio Borbone, Storia di Mar Yahballaha e di Rabban Sauma. Un orientale in Occidente ai tempi di Marco Polo. Torino: Silvio Zamorani editore, 2000. Pp. 299 + 2 maps. Paper, € 18,59. ISBN 88-7158-089-3.
Alessandro
Mengozzi
Università degli Studi di Torino
Beth Mardutho: The Syriac Institute
George A. Kiraz
James E. Walters
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Beth Mardutho: The Syriac Institute
January 2003
Vol. 6, No. 1
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license has been granted by the author(s), who retain full
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https://hugoye.bethmardutho.org/article/hv6n1prmengozzi
Alessandro MENGOZZI
Pier Giorgio Borbone, Storia di Mar Yahballaha e di Rabban Sauma. Un orientale in Occidente ai tempi di Marco Polo. Torino: Silvio Zamorani editore, 2000. Pp. 299 + 2 maps. Paper, € 18,59. ISBN 88-7158-089-3.
https://hugoye.bethmardutho.org/pdf/vol6/HV6N1PRMengozzi.pdf
Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies
Beth Mardutho: The Syriac Institute, 2003
vol 6
issue 1
Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies is an electronic journal dedicated to the study
of the Syriac tradition, published semi-annually (in January and July) by Beth
Mardutho: The Syriac Institute. Published since 1998, Hugoye seeks to offer the
best scholarship available in the field of Syriac studies.
Syriac Studies
Mar Yahballaha
Marco Polo
File created by XSLT transformation of original HTML encoded article.
[1]
Well-known among Syriac scholars for the publication of the
concordances to the Peshitta Pentateuch (Leiden 1997), in 2000
Pier Giorgio Borbone published an Italian translation with an
extensive commentary of the History of the Life and Travels
of Rabban Sawma, Envoy and Plenipotentiary of the Mongol Khans
to three Kings of Europe, and Markos who as Mar Yahbhallaha III
became Patriarch of the Nestorian Church in Asia, as it was
titled in the first complete English translation by E.A.W.
Budge (London 1928). Budge's work followed a Neo-Aramaic
translation made in Urmia (Persia, North-West Iran) by a
certain priest Oshana and published in Zahrire d-Bahra
(Urmia 1885-1886), the French translation by J.B. Chabot
(Revue de l'Orient Latin 1893-1896) and the partial
English translation by J.A. Montgomery (London 1927). A number
of translations in other languages are available: Russian by
N.V. Pingulevskaja (Moscow 1958), German by F. Altheim (Berlin
1961), Neo-Aramaic (Kirkuk 1961), and the partial Arabic
translation by L. Sako (Bayn al-Nahrayn 1974).
[2] The
Classical Syriac text was discovered by the American missionary
Isaac Hollister Hall (notice published in JAOS 1889) and
soon aroused much interest both in the East and in the West.
The Lazarist Father Paul Bedjan corrected and published the
text of the History preserved in a single Urmi
manuscript (1888). A few years later, Bedjan prepared a
critical edition based on the collation of four other
manuscripts (Paris-Leipzig 1895). All manuscripts apparently
derive from one archetype and date from the Eighties of the
19th century.
[3] Borbone
approaches the History of Mar Yahbhallaha and Rabban
Sawma as a philologist and historian and covers the
temporal and spatial dimensions of the text with the curiosity
and enthusiasm of an experienced traveler.
[4] From a
text-critical point of view, Borbone follows the steps of the
editor and of the various translators, but he does not hesitate
to suggest his own conjectures, correcting and improving the
text as it appears in the manuscripts. All critical choices
which have effects on the translation are accurately explained
in the footnotes. The corrected phrases are sometimes
transcribed in East-Syriac characters. It is thus immediately
clear how graphic similarities may have caused scribal
errors.
[5] Preface
and introduction (p. 9-49) provide the reader with factual
information on the history of the text and its discovery, a
general presentation of contents, literary genre, linguistic
and stylistic remarks. The text is dated on the basis of
internal evidence (p.16). The terminus post quem is
November 1317 A.D., when Mar Yahballaha died. His death is the
last episode related by the author of the History. The
mention of an emir who died in 1319 A.D. is accompanied by the
formula ‘may he be preserved in life’ and gives the
terminus ante quem for the date of composition.
[6] The
pages of the introduction in which the historical context of
the History is explained are particularly interesting
and very useful for the reader, specialist or non-specialist
alike. Borbone presents clear and well-informed surveys on the
following subjects: Mongolian rule over Iran (p. 27-32), the
Mongols in 13th-century European culture (32-34), the Church of
the East in the broader context of Syrian Christianity, its
literature and relationship with the Mongols and, more in
general, with Muslim rulers (34-42), the East-Syrian mission
and presence in China and Central Asia (42-49).
[7] The
History of Rabban Sawma and Mar Yahballaha aims at
presenting a complete biography of the two protagonists,
together with an account of the most salient events of the
historical period in which they lived and acted (p. 55).
A Christian Mongol, called (Bar‑)Sawma, an East-Syrian
monk and therefore given the appropriate title Rabban, led a
diplomatic mission in Europe in 1287-1288 as an emissary of the
khan Arghun, Mongolian ruler over Iran. He visited
Constantinople, Naples, Rome, Genoa, Paris. In Naples he met
the king Irid Shardalo (a somewhat distorted rendering
of roi Charles II, read as deux; with a
prosthetic i before the r of roi, as is
common in Turkish and Mongolian, and the metathesis of
sharlado to shardalo: see p. 79 and 154). In Rome
Rabban Sawma brilliantly sustained a doctrinal discussion with
the cardinals. In the way the discussion and the cardinals'
positive reaction are reported, it is not difficult to
recognize a kind of apology by a proud member of the Church of
the East. In Paris he met the king of France (called
‘King Fransis’) and in Guascogne (ksonia)
the king of England (ilnagtar). The author of the
History says he has included a selection of Rabban
Sawma's travel report which was originally written in Persian
(p. 93).
[8] The
second part of the History describes the work of Mark,
who was a Christian Mongol like Rabban Sawma, became monk and
was appointed as Patriarch of the Church of the East with the
name of Yahballaha III. He served his Church mostly in
diplomatic contacts with the court of the Mongols, trying to
defend himself and the Christian communities from the frequent
acts of harassment, extortion, ravage, torture, massacre
perpetrated by local Muslim rulers. The author lingers over the
description and comment on the siege and attack on the citadel
of Arbil, which ended in a tremendous massacre of the
Christians (p. 124-147).
[9]
Borbone's interest in reconstructing the historical context of
the History comes to the fore in the commentary and
appendices (p. 149-268) which are about the same length as the
translation (p. 53-148). The work of the historian is
characterized by a critical study of the available documents
and, accordingly, Borbone's commentary offers the reader a good
discussion of various sources: archaeological and epigraphic
evidence from Central Asia and China, travel reports of the
XIII-XIV centuries (Giovanni di Pian di Carpine, Guillaume de
Rubrouck, Marco Polo, Ricoldo da Monte Croce, Odorico da
Pordenone, Ibn Battuta), historiographical works (Bar Hebraeus,
‘Ata-Malik Juvaini, Rashid al-Din, Khwandamir, Grigor of
Akanc’, Hayton) and, of course, secondary literature on
the Mongols and the Church of the East. Texts are often
extensively reported in Italian translation.
[10] The
appendices contain the Italian translation of various texts: a
biography in Arabic of Mar Yahballaha (p. 247-251, translated
by Emanuela Braida), a metrical homily written in honor of Mar
Yahballaha (p. 251-253), some passages of Bar Hebraeus'
Chronography (p. 253-254), and three diplomatic
documents (p. 255-259). Borbone then adds considerations on the
History as a piece of travel literature (p. 261-264), a
discussion of historical problems which will require further
research to find a definitive solution (p. 265-268), an
impressive bibliography (p. 269-293), index (295-297), and two
maps.
[11]
Throughout the book, the commentator correctly stresses the
value of the History as a historical document, here and
there containing information which can be regarded as
‘first-hand’ or very close to the events. More
attention might have been paid to the theological and religious
framework in which the narrative of contemporary history is
inserted. The author of the text clearly sees history as the
actual manifestation of God's plans and promises (p. 21-22).
This is evident not only in the introduction and in the almost
hagiographical account of the childhood of Sawma and Mark in
the far East, as observed by Borbone (p. 19, n. 2), but it also
informs the whole narrative: an angel saves the Patriarch (p.
74); the personages experience revelatory or therapeutic dreams
(e.g., p. 74 and 119). The frequent gnomic or moralistic
comments of the author certainly have a stylistic function (p.
24), but they also underline the author's faith in the leading
role of Divine Providence and Justice in human history.
[12] As a
comment on the massacre of the Christians in Arbil, the author
attributes to Mar Yahballaha an interpretation of
Lamentations 1,19-22 adapted for his own day. In the
words of the prophet, the Patriarch would have prayed God to
look at the wickedness of ‘these Hagarens’ (the
Muslims): ‘Deal with them as you have dealt with me
because of all my sins’. Later on in the text (p.
144-145), the author takes over the role of interpreter himself
and writes a kind of collage of verses taken from the book of
Lamentations. This way of reading and retelling history
— catastrophic events, either natural or caused by Muslim
oppressors, befall Christian communities because of their sins
—is customary in the late East-Syriac liturgical texts
(see D. Bundy on the 13th-century author George Warda, more or
less contemporary with the History; The Harp 6
(1993) 7-20) and their Neo-Syriac continuation: hymns on
pestilence, wars, famines, etc. (Le Muséon 112
(1999) 478-479).
[13] As
far as sources and literary models are concerned, Borbone
mentions possible analogies between our History and the
style of contemporary Persian and Arabic literature on history
and geography (p. 24-25). One might add that the rather vague
formulas which describe events preceding the year 1295 (p. 99)
have the flavor of astrological literature.
[14]
Following in the opposite direction Rabban Sawma's itineraries
from China to Mesopotamia and from Mesopotamia to Europe,
Borbone's commentary leads the reader on a fascinating journey
through the manners and customs of Syrians and Mongols.
Geographic descriptions, ethnographical and anthropological
remarks give information on the way tents were made, food was
prepared, the prince was addressed at his camp/court, which
routes were chosen, how power was organized and imposed. The
etymology and cultural implication of the loanwords from
Turkish and Mongolian are accurately explained. Arabic
diibaaj probably derives from Persian diibaa (see
Brockelmann Lexicon Syriacum 138a, Steingass
Persian-English Dictionary, Redhouse A Turkish and
English Lexicon) and not Persian diibaa from Arabic,
as suggested by Borbone (p. 96, n. 4).
[15] With
its critical approach to the text, documented reconstruction of
the historical context, broad and articulated commentary, this
book cannot be simply regarded as a new translation of the
History of Rabban Sawma and Mar Yahballaha. Pier Giorgio
Borbone brings much new information about and around the text
and outlines new perspectives in research on the history of the
Middle East in the Mongolian period and on the Christian
presence in Central Asia and China. With improvements in the
system of transliteration of Classical Syriac and corrections
in the transcription of Arabic, an English edition is strongly
recommended so that it may reach the wider readership it
deserves.