Coptic-Syriac Relations beyond Dogmatic Rhetoric
Lois
Farag
Luther Seminary, St. Paul, MN
Beth Mardutho: The Syriac Institute
George A. Kiraz
James E. Walters
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2008
Vol. 11, No. 1
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https://hugoye.bethmardutho.org/article/hv11n1farag
Lois Farag
Coptic-Syriac Relations beyond Dogmatic Rhetoric
https://hugoye.bethmardutho.org/pdf/vol21/HV11N1Farag.pdf
Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies
Beth Mardutho: The Syriac Institute,
vol 11
issue 1
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Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies is an electronic journal dedicated to the study
of the Syriac tradition, published semi-annually (in January and July) by Beth
Mardutho: The Syriac Institute. Published since 1998, Hugoye seeks to offer the
best scholarship available in the field of Syriac studies.
Syriac Studies
Syriac Church
Syriac Saints
Coptic Synaxarium
History of Coptic-Syriac Relations
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Abstract
This article highlights Coptic-Syriac
relations in ways beyond the theological position of both
churches. It focuses on the relationship between Copts and
Syrians depicted in the Coptic Synaxarium. It includes a
discussion of Syrian saints, Syrians who became patriarchs of
the Coptic Church, and their role in the liturgical and
devotional changes that occurred. After the Arab conquest, both
churches came to share a common language – Arabic. This
led to an exchange of theological terms. This shared
theological language and the Syrian presence in the Coptic
Synaxarium strengthened the relations between the two churches
in ways beyond ecclesial politics.
[1] The
Coptic and Syriac Orthodox churches have a long common history.
They are two of the oldest churches of Christianity, with large
literatures in Greek, Syriac, Coptic, and later in Arabic. They
shared the Roman hegemony – not only the entanglements of
Roman law, but also imperial persecutions. They benefited from
the Greek paideia. They were intellectually enriched
by having their patriarchal residences and presence in cities
that were hubs of the cultural and commercial centers of the
Roman Empire, i.e. the cities of Alexandria and Antioch.
Although modern scholars have portrayed the theological history
of both churches as a struggle of Antiochene theology against
Alexandrian and vice versa, the reality is that each
theological group read and thoroughly understood each
other’s literature. Both churches agreed to disagree with
the Chalcedonian expression of faith. Both churches shared the
same suffering to preserve this faith. They shared successive
invasions by the Persians and then the Arabs. The Arab invasion
led to the isolation of both churches from the rest of western
Christendom. It forced both churches to change their
theological languages from Greek, Coptic, and Syriac to Arabic.
The Syrian Church was a pioneer in this translation process.
The Coptic Church eventually became the most productive church
of Christian Arabic literature. Both churches confronted the
religious challenges of Islam. Religious debates took place in
rulers’ palaces as well as among the common lay people.
This led to the production of a rich Christian-Islamic dialogue
that preceded the attempts of the West by centuries. Since
then, their common political situation converged more than
ever. The Turks, then later the French and the British
conquered both peoples. These layers of foreign hegemony
greatly affected the religious expression and religious
struggle of both churches. The Turkish, French and British
occupations are a part of their history, and the Arab presence
remains a reality.
[2] However,
scholarly research in the West has tended to focus only on a
few specific aspects of this shared patrimony. Topics of
interest include the non-Chalcedonian faith that both churches
have in common;
See, e.g. R.V. Sellers, Two Ancient
Christologies (London, 1940); idem, The Council of
Chalcedon (London, 1961). A. Grillmeier, Christ in the
Christian Tradition, vol. 1 (Atlanta, John Knox Press,
1975); idem, Christ in the Christian Tradition, vol 2,
Part One (London, Mowbray, 1987). Research in the last few
decades has changed the views and approach to these studies.
also the library and wall paintings in the
Syrian Monastery (Deir el-Surian) located in the Egyptian
desert of Wadi el-Natrun.
The historical background of Deir el-Surian is
discussed in J. M. Fiey, “Copts et Syriaques. Contacts et
échanges,” Studia Orientalia Christiana
Collectanea 15 (1972-1973), 323-6; also an article about
the painting renovations in the monastery Karel C.
Innemée, “Deir al-Surian (Egypt): conservation
work of Autumn 2000,” Hugoye: Journal of Syrian
Studies, vol. 4, no. 2 July 2001; Lucas Van Rompay and Fr.
Bijoul El-Souriany, “Syriac Papyrus Fragments Recently
Discovered in Deir Al-Surian (Egypt), Hugoye: Journal of
Syrian Studies, vol. 4, no. 1 January 2001; also an
article about Peshitta texts found in the monastery by Peter B.
Dirksen, “Peshitta Institute Communication 19: East and
West, Old and Young, in the Text Tradition of the Old Testament
Peshitta,” Vetus Testamentum 35 no.4 (1985),
468-484.
Individuals of interest include
Severus of Antioch and his interlocutor the neo-Chalcedonian
John the Grammarian;
The life of Severus of Antioch can be found in,
John of Beth Aphthonia, Vie de Sévère,
ed. and trans. by M. –A. Kugener, Patrologia
Orientalis, 2 (Paris, 1907), 207-264. The main corpus of
works such as letters and homilies written and delivered by
Severus of Antioch are found in the CSCO series and the
Patrologia Orientalis. Examples of other secondary
works on Severus of Antioch, include J. Lebon, Le
Monophysisme sévèrien (Louvain, 1909); V.C.
Samuel, “The Christology of Severus of Antioch,”
Abba Salama, 4 (1973), 126-190; A. Vööbus,
“Discovery of New Important memre of Gewargi,
the Bishop of the Arabs,” Journal of Semitic
Studies, 18 (1973), 235-237; Iain R. Torrance,
Christology after Chalcedon, Severus of Antioch and Sergius
the Monophysite (Norwich: Cnaterbury Press, 1988); R. C.
Chestnut, Three Monophysite Christologies: Severus of
Antioch, Philoxenus of Mabbug, and Jacob of Sarug (Oxford
Theological Monographs, 1976).
Some works of John the Grammarian are edited by M. Richard
and M. Aubineau in Corpus Christianorum Series Graeca
I, Turnhout, 1977.
also, John Philoponus, a philosopher and
non-Chalcedonian theologian of the sixth century and Julian of
Halicarnassus.
Julian Bishop of Halicarnassus died after 518 AD.
He was deposed from his seat because he refused to adhere to
the Council of Chalcedon’s definition and sought refuge
in Alexandria. He disagreed with Severus of Antioch because he
upheld the idea of the incorruptibility of the body of Christ
(Aphthartodocetic controversy). See F.L. Cross and E.A.
Livingstone, The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian
Church (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 909;
also, R. Draguet, Julien d’Halicarnasse et sa
controverse avec Sévère d’Antioche sur
l’incorruptibilité du corps du Christ,
(Louvain, 1924).
The focus of this paper is on other aspects of
this shared patrimony: the strong Syrian presence in the Coptic
Synaxarium and the theological terminology in Arabic shared by
both Churches.
The Synaxarium text is simply written and is read
to the whole congregation every liturgy. Thus this text is a
good choice for a study that focuses on the relationship
between both churches beyond the hierarchical level and beyond
dogmatic debates.
This is followed by a brief discussion of the
exchange of theological terms after both Churches came to share
Arabic as a common language. The approach of this paper is from
the Coptic perspective.
[3] The
Synaxarium is a liturgical book that recounts the lives of the
saints venerated by the Coptic Church. A chapter of the
Synaxarium is read daily in the liturgy after the readings of
the Praxis, or the Book of Acts, and before the Gospel reading.
The simple narrative of the Coptic Synaxarium delivers a
powerful message to the people. The first edition of the
Synaxarium was compiled by three bishops, Bishop Peter, bishop
of Melig, Bishop Michael, bishop of Atrib, and Bishop John,
bishop of Borolus.
Bishop Peter, bishop of Melig, Bishop Michael,
bishop of Atrib, and Bishop John, bishop of Borolus, The
Synaxarium (Cairo Egypt, El-Mahaba Coptic Orthodox
Bookstore, 1978). This printed edition has been attested with
six other Synaxarium manuscripts dating from fourteenth to the
eighteenth century. All references to the Synaxarium will be
according to the date of the saint or commemorated event to
avoid unnecessary confusion between different editions.
Therefore the entry for Bishop John would be Koiahk 19. Other
Synaxarium editions have different compilers, occasionally
leading to some date discrepancies and different lists of
saints or events for a day’s entry. For example, the
Alexandrian Synaxarium edited by Forget mentions that the
editors are “Bishop Michael, bishop of Atrib and Melig
and others.” I. Forget, ed. Synaxarium
Alexandrinum. CSCO, vol 47, Ar. III, 18, t. 18, (Beryti, E
Typographeo Catholico, 1905-26), 1. There are two different
sets of editors for each of the above mentioned editions. This
has resulted into two different compilations of the Synaxarium.
Also R. Basset, Le synaxaire arabe jacobite (recension
copte), in Patrologia Orientalis 1, 3, 11, 16,
17, and 20 (1904-1929). Also R. Coquin, “Le synaxaire des
coptes; un nouveau témoin de la recension de
Haute-Égypte,” Analecta Bollandiana 96
(1978), 351-365. The edition of choice for this study is the
1978 El- Mahaba edition. The reason for this choice is that
this study is concerned with church relations past and present;
therefore, the study and reference will be limited to the
modern edition (references to the Forget edition is made for
comparative purposes only), since the El-Mahaba edition
contains the collective memory of present day Coptic Church
goers.
The Coptic months are as follows:
Thoout
September 11/12 – October 9/10.
Paopi
October 11/12 – November 9/10.
Hathor
November 10/11 – December 9/10.
Koiahk
December 10/11 – January 8/9.
Tobe
January 9/10 – February 7/8.
Meshir
February 8/9 – March 9.
Pharemhotep
March 10/11 – April 8.
Pharmouthe
April 9 – May 8.
Pashons
May 9 – June 7.
Paone
June 8 – July 7.
Epep
July 8 – August 6.
Mesore
August 7 – September 5.
Pikogi Enabot
September 6 – September 10.
(In leap years the dates from September to March differ but
are adjusted automatically after Feb. 28.)
These Gregorian dates are in accordance with the Coptic
Orthodox reckoning. Other scholarly texts have another calendar
reckoning which does not coincide with the Coptic Orthodox
practice. I have included the Coptic months in order to refer
more easily to the saints’ lives in the Synaxarium.
According to the Synaxarium Bishop John
became a monk and disciple of St. Daniel, the hegemon of the
Nitrian Desert. St. Daniel was born in AD 485 and ordained the
hegemon over the Nitrean Desert in AD 535. During
Daniel’s priestly tenure as the hegemon, Emperor
Justinian promulgated laws that strongly enforced Chalcedonian
dogmas. Daniel’s opposition to these laws caused him
great suffering.
Matta-El-Meskeen, Coptic Monasticism in the Age
of St. Macarius (Nitrean Desert: Monastery of St. Macarius
Press, 1984), 410-9. Britt Dahiman, Saint Daniel of Sketis:
A Group of Hagiographic Texts Edited withIntroduction,
Translation, and Commentary. Studia Byzantina Uppsalientia
10 (Uppsala: Uppsala University Library, 2007).
The first collection of saints’ lives, or
the nucleus of the book of the Synaxarium, seems to have been
composed during the sixth century AD, with additions and
revisions into the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.
Burmester suggests that compilations of the
Synaxarium were made by the end of the twelfth or beginning of
the thirteenth century. O.H.E. Burmester, “On the Date
and Authorship of the Arabic Synaxarium of the Coptic
Church,” Journal of Theological Studies 39
(1938): 249-253. Inner evidence supports the suggestion that
the first compilation began by the sixth century; further
additions and maybe major revisions took place in the twelfth
and thirteenth century. The latest addition was in the 1970s
when the life of the late Pope, Pope Cyril VI, was included
after his departure from this world.
The
escalation of the Chalcedonian controversy might have been a
significant factor in the compilation of the Synaxarium in an
attempt to preserve the saints’ heritage in the Coptic
memory. The Copts have been accustomed to listen to the stories
of the saints during the liturgy as part of the readings
revered by the church from very early times.
The topic of the relationship between the Coptic
and Syriac Churches could be approached through history, the
lives of the Patriarchs, or other sources. But for the sake of
this study that focuses on the popular understanding of the
ecclesial relationship between both churches, the Synaxarium is
an appropriate starting point. For example, in the Synaxarium
we find that the relationship with the Armenian Church is
rather minimal. However, if we look at Severus
Ibn-El-Muqafaa’s history we find a different relationship
with the Armenian Church. In the life of Pope Cyril II, we read
about the visit of Gregory, the Armenian Patriarch. We also
know of a saintly Armenian monk in the Monastery of St.
Macarius who could perform exorcism. We also know that the
majority of the Amîr- al-Guyûš’s army
were Armenians. Sawirus Ibn Al-Mukaffa, History of the
Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church, Known as the History of the
Holy Church, Aziz Suryal Atiya, Yassa Abd Al-Masih, and
O.H.E. Khs.-Burmester, ed. Vol. 2 Part 3 (Le Caire,
Publications de la Société
d’archéologie copte), 344-6.
[4] The
Synaxarium contains fifty-five accounts related to Syrian
saints or to the Syrian Church. The Copts are reminded of the
close relationship between the Syrian and Coptic Churches,
since at least one such Synaxarium account per week is read in
the Coptic liturgy. Of the fifty-five accounts, four take place
during the time of Chalcedon,
Koiakh 1, St. Peter of Edessa, bishop of
Gaza. Meshir 9, Mar Barsoma, father of the Syrian monks.
Pashons 29, St. Simeon the Stylite. Mesore 23, Martyrdom of
30,000 Christians.
five are
post-Chalcedonian,
Pharmouthe 15, Consecration of the first
altar for the Jacobites to St. Nicholaos, bishop of Mira. Paone
25, Pope Peter IV, 34th pope of Alexandria. Paone
28, Pope Theodosius, 33rd pope of Alexandria. Epep
19, Pope Johannes 10, 85th pope of Alexandria. Epep
24, Pope Simeon, 42nd pope of Alexandria.
another five concern Patriarch Severus of
Antioch,
Paopi 2, the coming of St. Severus,
Patriarch of Antioch, to Egypt. Koiakh 10, The translation of
the relics of St. Severus of Antioch. Meshir 13, Pope Timothy
the Third, 32nd pope of Alexandria. Meshir 14,
commemorating the life of St. Severus of Antioch. Pharmouthe 7,
St. Maqrophios.
three mention an exchange of letters of faith
between Coptic and Syrian patriarchs,
Pashons 27, Pope Johannes, 30th
Pope of Alexandria. Paopi 17, Pope Dioscorus II,
31st pope of Alexandria. Paopi 25, Pope Peter IV,
34th pope of Alexandria. Koiahk 22, Pope Anastasius,
36th pope of Alexandria.
two are dated
after the Arab invasion,
Thoout 14, St. Agathon the Stylite. Though
Agathon was an Egyptian monk, his life indicates the undisputed
influence of Simeon the Stylite on his ascetical exercises.
Koiahk 6, Pope Abraam the Syrian, 62nd pope of the
Church of Alexandria.
two others do not have a clear
date,
Koiahk 28, St. Paul the Syrian. Mesore 23,
Martyrdom of St. Damian in Antioch.
and the remaining thirty-two accounts deal
with pre-Chalcedonian events.
Fifteen of the saints were martyrs who
suffered during the four periods of persecution that most of
the Christian churches endured before the time of Constantine.
There were confessors of faith during the same period; three
Syrian patriarchs who defended the faith against the Arians;
four famous Syrian saints: Saint Pelagia, St. Ignatius of
Antioch (two commemorations), Queen Helena who, according to
the Synaxarium, was born in Nisibis, St. Ephrem the Syrian, in
addition to three commemorations for St. John Chrysostom. There
were three commemorations of the translation of relics, and one
dedication of a church to a Syrian saint.
More than half of the
accounts are related to pre- Chalcedonian saints or events.
There are only thirteen Synaxarium accounts for Persian saints,
two for Armenian saints,
Pharmouthe 19, The martyrdom of Symeon, the
Armenian Bishop of Persia and one hundred and fifty others with
him. Mesore 27, the martyrdom of St. Mary the Armenian at the
time of the Arabs.
one for a saint who died in
India,
Thoout 17, St. Theognosta.
and one for an Ethiopian saint.
Mesore 24, Commemorating the departure of
St. Thekla Haimanot the Ethiopian.
Although the
Armenian, Indian, and Ethiopian Churches share the same
theological confession, the Syrian Church maintains a special
relationship with the Alexandrian Church.
This article will not attempt to investigate
the authenticity of names, dates, places etc… mentioned
in the Synaxarium. It is a study of its own to investigate each
account and to cross-reference it with other manuscript
traditions and with traditions of other churches to arrive at a
conclusive saint’s life or historical event. This is
beyond the scope of this study. This study intends to focus on
the tradition that is already in use in everyday liturgical
books and how this affects the conception of the Coptic laity
about the Syrian Church. The congregation sitting in the pews
does not ask if this story or event is authentic, or if the
dates agree with other historical scholarship. These narratives
are for the spiritual nurture of the believers and it is quite
sufficient for the listeners that it has been handed down from
one generation to another in this form.
[5] The most
commemorated Syrian saint in the Synaxarium is Severus of
Antioch. On the second of Paopi the entry of the Synaxarium
commemorates the coming of St. Severus to Egypt.
Crum’s article is based on many of the
Synaxarium’s narratives. W.E. Crum,
“Sévère d’ Antioche en
Egypte,”Revue de l’Orient Chrétien
Tome III (XXIII) Ser, 3 (1922-3), 92-104. See also Forget, vol.
47, 48-9. Severus’ arrival to Egypt is also mentioned
under the entry of Pope Timothy (32nd Pope of
Alexandria) in B. Evetts, History of the Patriarchs of the
Coptic Church of Alexandria (S. Mark to Benjamin I), ed.
R. Griffin and F. Nau, Patrologia Orientalis, Tomus
Primus (Paris, 1907), 451-455. See also Youhanna Nessim
Youssef, “Severus of Antioch in the Coptic Liturgical
Books,” Journal of Coptic Studies Vol 6 (NJ,
2004), 139-148.
The Synaxarium
account tells that Severus was forced to flee to Egypt during
the reign of Emperor Justinian upon the advice of Empress
Theodora.
Van der Meer addressed the problem of the
presence of Empress Theodora in her article. Anneke van der
Meer , “Het verblijf van Severus van Antiochië in
Egypte,” Het Christelijk Oosten 48 (1996), 53-4.
It then describes his stay in Egypt by a story
that indicates that although Severus was travelling incognito,
the Lord always recognized his priestly status, wherever he
was. The story goes as follows: One day Severus, disguised as a
monk, attended a liturgy in a church in the Nitrian desert.
When the priest raised the prospherein he could not
find the qorban to be consecrated.
From prosphero which literally
means offering “of Eucharist as sacrifice” G.W.H.
Lampe, A Patristic Greek Lexicon (Oxford: At the
Clarendon Press, 1994), 1183-4. In the Coptic liturgy it refers
to the set of prayers that are recited from the offering of the
Eucharistic Lamb till the prayers of the “kiss of
peace” after the Gospel reading. At the end of these
prayers the altar cover (prospherein) is raised
marking the beginning of the liturgical prayers of the anaphora
and the consecration of the Eucharistic Lamb. Therefore, the
disappearance of the Qorban at this moment led the priest to
conclude that either his own sin or that of the congregation is
making it impossible to begin the consecration of the Qorban.
The priest
addressed the congregation saying that the qorban had
disappeared because of sin, either his own or that of the
congregation. At this moment, everyone in the church began
crying and praying, asking for God’s forgiveness. An
angel of the Lord appeared to the priest to inform him that it
was not anyone’s fault but rather it was because the
sacrifice was offered in the presence of a patriarch. As the
highest ranking member of the priestly hierarchy present in
church, the patriarch was supposed to say the prayers of
consecration. The angel pointed to Severus who was sitting at
the far end of the church. He was brought with great honor to
the altar, and only then the qorban became present on
the paten on the altar, thus making it possible for the liturgy
to proceed. The message delivered by the narrative clearly
indicates that Severus’ patriarchal rank was recognized
by God despite imperial opposition, and theological disputes
did not affect his priesthood. According to the narrative,
Severus went to Sakha after this incident and stayed at the
house of an archon by the name of Dorotheos, and remained there
until the time of his death.
[6] The
entry of Koiahk 10, continues the story from where it had
stopped at the second of Paopi, two months earlier. Some time
after the burial of Severus in Sakha, his relics were
translated to the Pateron Monastery to the west of
Alexandria.
The entry of Meshir 7, explains that the
“Pateron Monastery”, i.e. the Monastery of the
Fathers is what is presently known as Deir Al-Zugag. This
monastery is located on the coast of the Mediterranean Sea
about 46 km to the west of Alexandria and is presently used as
a military base. Historically this area was accessible by boat
through a branch of the River Nile and then to Lake Mareotis
that is presently dried up. Butler disagrees with the
Synaxarium account, for, based on his research, he reached the
opinion that Deir Al-Zugag is the Ennaton Monastery. Alfred J.
Butler, The Arab Conquest of Egypt and the Last Thirty
Years of the Roman Dominion (Oxford: At the Clarendon
Press, 1902), 74. The translation of St. Severus’ relic
is mentioned in Forget, vol. 48, 146-7 under the entry of
Koiahk 10.
Dorotheos placed the body on a boat, intending
to transfer it to the Pateron Monastery that is located on the
Mediterranean Sea. As the boat branched into a smaller canal in
the western branch of the Nile, the water became very shallow.
The sailors began asking for the intercession of St. Severus,
and the boat sailed six miles until it reached the sea.
Severus’ body was interred in the monastery in a tomb
built by archon Dorotheos. The narrative describes the
occurrence of miracles after the death of Severus. These
miracles were another sign of his sainthood — a message
not to be missed by the audience.
[7] The
third commemoration is for the death of Severus of Antioch on
Meshir 14.
Forget, vol. 48, 266-8. Meshir 14.
It is a one-page summary of his life story. It
includes his birth, the prophetic vision received by his
grandfather, his education and baptism, his monastic life,
followed by his ordination as patriarch, his disagreement with
the Chalcedonian confession, his flight to Egypt, his death in
Sakha and the translation of his relics to the Pateron
Monastery. Severus also appears in Synaxarium entries devoted
to other figures. Meshir 13 commemorates Pope Timothy the
Third, Pope 32 of Alexandria.
Forget, vol. 48, 266. Meshir 13. That is one
day before the Coptic Church celebrates the Severus’
death on Meshir 14.
The entry mentions that
Severus arrived in Egypt during Timothy’s primacy and
that both of them traveled around the country strengthening the
believers in the faith. This entry emphasizes the pastoral
qualities of these two leaders and the suffering they endured
for their faith. A distinctive feature of Pope Timothy’s
Synaxarium entry is his connection with Severus. The Pharmouthe
7 entry celebrates the life of St. Maqrophios. The narrator
informs us that Maqrophios accompanied Severus during his
travels in Upper Egypt.
This is in reference to the events mentioned
on Meshir 13. This narrative is different from the entry of
Pharmouthe 7 in Forget’s edition where the Synaxarium has
a one-line entry which mentions that Maqrophios was the son of
Abu Moussa the owner of Deir El-Baliana. Forget, vol. 67, 65.
During this time, Maqrophios fell
in love with the monastic life and joined a monastery. This
entry draws attention to the impact of Severus’ life on
those who met him. In short, the entries, not only portray a
defender of the faith, they present a saint, a wonder worker,
an exemplary man, and a good shepherd.
[8] St.
Severus of Antioch is especially honored in the Coptic Church
liturgy. In the Absolution of the Servants that is
said after the offerings and in the diptych, Severus of Antioch
is the first in the hierarchy of the patriarchs to be
mentioned, even before Dioscoros, Athanasius and Cyril of
Alexandria. He has precedence over all of the
patriarchs.
It is also worthwhile mentioning that St.
John Chrysostom is mentioned before Saint Cyril in the diptych.
Fiey in his article mentions other liturgical insights. Fiey,
346-9. See also H. Brackmann, “Severos unter den
Alexandrinen,” Jahrbuch für Antike und
Christentum 26 (1983): 54-58; S.P. Brock,
“Tenth-century diptychs of the Coptic Orthodox Church in
Syriac Manuscripts,” Bulletin de la Societé
d’Archéologie Copte 26 (1984): 23-29; Y.N.
Youssef, “The Cult of Severus of Antioch in Egypt,”
Ephemerides Liturgicae 115 (2001): 101-107;
“Severus of Antioch in the Coptic Theotokia,” in B.
Neil and others (eds), Prayer and Spirituality in the Early
Church III (Brisbane, 2003), 93-108; “Severus of
Antioch in the Coptic Liturgical Books,” Journal of
Coptic Studies 6(2004): 141-150.
In the morning raising of incense, in
preparation for the liturgy, during the Litany of the
Fathers, the Syriac Orthodox Patriarch is described as a
brother in the apostolic ministry. This shows the close
relationship between the two churches. The Coptic Church not
only welcomed Severus during his lifetime, but also honors him
in her prayers after his death.
[9] Two
major Syrian monastic figures are honored in the Coptic Church,
Simeon the Stylite on Pashons 9 and St. Barsauma, the father of
the Syrian monks on Meshir 9.
Simeon is mentioned as Simeon the Recluse in
Forget’s edition on Mesore 3. See Forget, vol. 67, 253-4.
However, St. Barsauma is mentioned on Pahons 9; Forget, vol.
48, 256-8.
The Synaxarium entry for
Simeon the Stylite focuses on his sainthood and how he lived on
a pillar for forty-five years. In comparison, the Synaxarium
entry for Mar Barsauma, who died in AD 458, one year before
Simeon, highlights Barsauma’s theological stance. The
entry indicates that Mar Barsauma was severely persecuted by
the Chalcedonians because he was a staunch anti- Nestorian and
anti-Chalcedonian. After Barsauma’s death a pillar of
light remained in his cell. These are two important Syrian
monastic saints venerated by the Coptic Church. Both were
praised for their sainthood, both witnessed the events of
Chalcedon. Barsauma was praised for his theological stance.
[10] The
influence of Simeon the Stylite is evident in the life of St.
Agathon the Stylite.
Thoout 14; Forget, vol. 47, 22-3. The
stylite ascetic way of life did not only affect the Coptic
ascetics but its influence reached Gaul and Spain.
He was an Egyptian who at the age of
thirty-five was ordained a priest. At the age of forty he went
to the skete of St. Macarios. He constantly read the life of
Simeon the Stylite and wanted to follow his example. At the age
of fifty he went to the city of Sakha and lived on a pillar for
fifty years. He died at the age of one hundred. The Synaxarium
does not give any reason why he chose the city of Sakha to
practice the ascetical life of a stylite, but it is interesting
to observe that it is the place where St. Severus of Antioch
was first buried.
[11] The
Synaxarium mentions St. Peter of Edessa, bishop of Gaza, who
was an assistant to Emperor Theodosius II.
Peter of Edessa is commemorated on Koiahk 1.
See, Forget, vol. 47, 131-2.
During his
residency at the imperial court he lived an ascetic life. He
later left the court and joined a monastery. He was ordained
bishop of Gaza. It is said that during his first liturgy blood
filled the paten. When Marcian became emperor and began
persecuting the non-Chalcedonian bishops, Peter took the relics
of St. James the Persian and fled to Egypt. After the death of
Marcian he returned to Gaza. Peter of Edessa was a saint of
Syrian origin who became bishop of Gaza, suffered persecution
by the Chalcedonians, and found refuge in Egypt.
[12]
Mesore 21 commemorated the martyrdom of thirty thousand
Christians in Alexandria. Proterius, the prefect of Alexandria,
looted churches and monasteries, and when the Copts rioted,
Proterius responded by massacring thirty thousand Christians.
After the death of Marcian, Leo was appointed Emperor, and
during his reign the bishops of Egypt ordained Pope Timothy as
patriarch of Alexandria.
For brief references to documents
attributing the title “pope” to the bishop of
Alexandria see Norman Russell, Cyril of Alexandria,
The Early Church Fathers, ed. Carol Harrison (New York:
Routledge, 2000), 208.
He was later exiled for seven
years. When Timothy returned to Alexandria, Patriarch Peter of
Antioch visited Egypt and a council of five hundred bishops
from Alexandria, Constantinople, Antioch and Jerusalem was
convened. All the bishops refused the Chalcedonian definition.
This Synaxarium narrative is quite polemical, but it shows that
the council was convened through the joint efforts of the
bishops of Alexandria and Antioch. These are the four main
Synaxarium accounts that are contemporary with the council of
Chalcedon. Three of the four accounts, those of Mar Barsauma,
St. Peter of Edessa, and the thirty thousand martyrs of
Alexandria, clearly exhibited polemical repercussions on the
life of the people and church after Chalcedon.
[13] The
Synaxarium mentions four exchanges of letters of faith between
the Alexandrian and the Antiochene Churches.
A letter of faith is a letter that states
clearly the faith of the Patriarch who writes it. It might also
include the Nicean Creed with further elaboration on the
Trinity and Christological issues that ensure that the
writer’s theology conforms to the non- Chalcedonian
faith. Historical sources other than the Synaxarium inform us
that this exchange took place on a regular basis whenever a
change in the hierarchy of any of Coptic or Syrian churches
occurs.
The first of
these took place when Severus of Antioch became patriarch in AD
512. He sent a letter to Pope Johannes II, Pope 30 of
Alexandria, who was patriarch from AD 505 to 516.
Pashons 27. The date of his ordination (AD
505) and the date of his death (AD 516) in the Synaxarium agree
with modern historians. Frend in his Synopsis of
Events calls him John of Nikiou. Frend also agrees with
the dates above mentioned. See W.H.C. Frend, The Rise of
Christianity (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1985), 972.
Pope Johannes II is not to be confused with John, Bishop of
Nikiou the chronicle writer who was born around AD 640-2 and
was alive until year AD 696, when he was appointed as
“general administrator of the Monasteries.” See
Robert Henry Charles, The Chronicle of John (c. A.D 690.)
Coptic Bishop of Nikiu (Amsterdam, APA-Philo Press), iii.
Severus initiated the correspondence and sent a letter to the
Patriarch in Alexandria, who in turn responded with a letter
affirming the same faith. When his successor, Pope Dioscorus
II, Pope 31 of Alexandria (AD 516-8), became pope, he exchanged
letters with Severus of Antioch (AD 512-8).
Paopi 17.
According to the
Synaxarium the first two letters were exchanged during the time
of Severus of Antioch: the first he sent, while the second he
received. This took place somewhere between sixty or seventy
years after the council of Chalcedon. Further research is
needed to clarify whether Severus of Antioch initiated this
tradition of exchange of letters of faith between the Syrian
and Coptic Churches.
[14] The
third exchange of letters between the two churches took place
during the time of Pope Peter IV, 34th Pope of
Alexandria (d. 569).
Paopi 25.
The exchange was between Peter and
Theophanios, Patriarch of Antioch, when both were in exile. The
fourth exchange of letters of faith is mentioned during the
time of St. Anastasius, 36th Pope of
Alexandria.
Koiahk 22.
Athanasius, Patriarch of Antioch, initiated
the letter after the death of his predecessor Peter the
Chalcedonian, Patriarch of Antioch.
Peter of Callinicum, patriarch of Antioch,
581 - 591 AD. Frend, 982. Athanasius, patriarch of Antioch, AD
595-631. Ibid., 984.
Anastasius was so pleased
with the letter that he sent an invitation to Athanasius to
come and visit Alexandria. Athanasius was well received,
together with all the bishops who accompanied him. The two
Patriarchs and their bishops convened for a full month in one
of the monasteries on the coast at the outskirts of the city of
Alexandria. The Synaxarium makes clear that the momentous
decisions that took place during the meetings were the
reestablishment of the ties between the two churches that had
been strained by the preceding Chalcedonian patriarch in
Antioch.
Butler writes his own version of the events
taking a more historical perspective. “…[I]n the
early autumn of 615 AD, the Coptic Patriarch Anastasius
received a visit from Athanasius, the Patriarch of Antioch, who
had been dispossessed by the Persian invasion. They met, as has
been stated, in the celebrated Ennaton monastery on the
sea-coast westward of Alexandria. One or two bishops from Syria
probably accompanied their Patriarch; others, like Thomas of
Harkel and Paul of Tella, were already settled at the
monastery, working hard at their great task of revising the
Syriac version of the Bible collation of the Greek: and yet
others were in Egypt as refugees. For “while the Persians
were ravaging Syria, all who could escape from their hands
– laymen of all ranks, and clergy of all ranks with their
bishops – fled for refuge to Alexandria.’
(Gelzer’s Leontius von Neapolis, Anhang ii.
P112). It is therefore extremely probable that, as tradition
avers, five Syrian bishops were present at the meeting of the
two Patriarchs, which resulted in the establishment of union
between the Syrian and the Coptic Church. Athanasius only
remained a month in Egypt, after which he returned to
Syria...” Alfred J. Butler, The Arab Conquest of
Egypt and the Last Thirty Years of the Roman Dominion
(Oxford: At the Clarendon Press, 1998), 69-70.
The letter of faith was mentioned because it
was the cause for the meeting that occurred between the two
churches and because it was mentioned as part of Pope
Anastasius’ work during his tenure. After AD 611 there is
no official mention in the Synaxarium of any exchange of
letters of faith between the two churches.
Fiey mentions the exchange of five
“synodal letters” between the Patriarchs of
Alexandria and Antioch from the ninth to the twelfth century.
J.M. Fiey, “Coptes et Syriaques. Contacts et
échanges,” Studia Orientalia Christiana.
Collectanea 15 (1972- 1973), 349-53. He also records
visits from the Syrian Church until the twelfth century.
[15]
Three post-Chalcedonian Patriarchs of Alexandria were
ethnically Syrian.
Fiey mentions that the first Syrian
patriarch on Alexandria was Damian (AD 576-605). Fiey, 316.
However, the Synaxarium mentions only three patriarchs and
Damian is not one of them.
The first pope elected from among the
Syrians to the See of St. Mark was Pope Simeon, 42nd
Pope of Alexandria (d. AD 700).
Epep 24.
He was a monk in the
Pateron Monastery (Deir Al-Zugag). The Synaxarium links Simeon
to his Syrian heritage by mentioning to his readers that
Severus of Antioch was buried in the monastery. The Synaxarium
attests to his saintly life. There were two attempts to poison
Pope Simeon and he survived both of them. Pope Simeon was a
great reformer. He fought very fiercely against a new trend
among Coptic men who began emulating the Arabs by taking more
than one wife. The second Pope of Syrian origin was Pope
Johannes X, 85th Pope (d. AD 1369).
Epep 19.
Nothing is
known about his life except that he was from Damascus and his
sobriquet was Al-Mu-tamen Al-Shamy (the Damascene entrusted
[with the Church]). The sobriquet indicates that he was found
worthy to be entrusted with the Church. These two examples show
the closeness between Copts and Syrians. It is worthwhile
noting that Popes in the Coptic Church are chosen by the lay
people, not the church hierarchy. These were not political
decisions.
[16] The
most famous of the three Syriac popes is Pope Abraam,
62nd Pope of Alexandria (d. 970).
Koiahk 6. He was elected in year AD 968. His
tenure lasted for three years and six days. See Forget, Vols
47-8, 136-9; and O.H.E. Burmester, History of the
Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church Known as the History of the
Holy Church, by Sawirus Ibn Al-Mukaffa Bishop of
Al-Ashmunin, (AD 849-880), vol. II Part I (Le Caire:
Publications de la Société
d’Archéologie Copte, 1943), 91-100.
He was commonly
known as Ibn-Zar’a Al-Suriany, or Abraam bar Zar’a
among the Syrians. Abraam was a merchant. He used to travel
frequently to Egypt and eventually he settled there. When the
Patriarchal seat was vacant he was chosen to be the Patriarch.
During his tenure, Abraam was also faced with the Coptic men
emulating the Arab majority by acquiring concubines, and he
made it part of his lifework to stop such a practice. His fame
arose from the following story. Severus Ibn-El-Muqafaa, bishop
of El-Ashmunien, was a contemporary of Pope Abraam. While
Ibn-El-Muqafaa was in the court of the Emir El Muez, he
reluctantly participated in a debate with a Jewish scholar.
Historical narratives indicate that such debates among the
representatives of Christianity, Judaism and Islam were common
in the courts of the Islamic Caliphs and Emirs. Bishop Severus
won the debate and the Jewish scholar decided to take his
revenge. He returned to court with the biblical text and read
to the Emir that it is written in the gospel that For truly
I tell you, if you have faith the size of a mustard seed, you
will say to this mountain, ‘Move from here to
there,’ and it will move; and nothing will be impossible
for you (Matt 17:20). The scholar added, if Christians
believe that the gospel is true, let them prove this verse. The
Emir welcomed the suggestion, since the Muqatam Mountain was
encroaching on the city of Cairo. Pope Abraam was summoned to
court and was informed that if he did not move the Moqatam
Mountain, Christianity and the Gospel message would be
considered invalid. The consequences of not meeting such a
challenge would have led to the immediate persecution and
extermination of the Copts. Pope Abraam requested three days to
deliver the Emir’s demands. He then gathered some monks
and bishops to the Mu’alaqa Church in Old Cairo, and
fasted and prayed for three days. On the third day the Virgin
Mary appeared to the Pope and asked him to gather the people
before the mountain and a miracle would take place. El Muez,
accompanied by government dignitaries, stood on one side of the
mountain and the Pope, together with the Coptic people, on the
other side. They began praying and kneeling and with each
kneeling they would say kyrie eleison (Lord have
mercy). Each time they knelt, the mountain would be raised
above ground high enough to permit the sun’s rays to be
visible from underneath the mountain. This event terrified the
spectators, and ended the confrontation. This event led the
Copts to receive licenses to build a few churches. The miracle
of the Muqatam Mountain has a prominent place in Coptic
history. It proved the validity of the Gospel message and
preserved the Coptic Church from extermination at the hands of
El Muez. Lest Copts forget this miracle, God’s work with
them, a three-day fast is annually observed – an addition
that affected the liturgical practices. This pivotal event in
Coptic history, that had its implication on liturgical
practices, was championed by a Syrian Pope of the Coptic
Church. Copts remember Abraam the Syrian for his piety and for
his wisdom in handling the situation. This memory is beyond
dogmatic rhetoric.
[17] Pope
Abraam added more than the three days of fast in commemoration
of the Miracle of moving the Muqataam Mountain; he also added
the fast of Jonah. The Copts observed the fast of the Week of
Hercules, but not the Syrians.
According to a Katameros footnote
the Week of Heraclius is based on what is mentioned in the
history book written by Patriarch Eutychius the Melkite. The
Katameros explains the story of the Week of Hercules
as follows: When the Persians besieged Constantinople for six
years during the reign of Heraclius, he was able to escape the
city. The Persians killed the generals, raped their women, and
looted the city. They did the same with Jerusalem. According to
the chronicle, the Jewish people aided the Persians in
destroying the churches, especially the Church of the
Resurrection and looted and burnt the city. When Heraclius
reached the city of Jerusalem on his way back to
Constantinople, the surviving Christians pleaded that he would
kill all the Jews. He refused saying that he gave them a treaty
of peace and he could not forsake his promise. The inhabitants
responded that the Jews had not kept their promise of
protecting the city and its inhabitants so it was permissible
for him to forsake his own promise with them. They added that
they were ready to fast for one full week on his behalf.
Heraclius agreed to these pleading conditions and gave
permission for the inhabitants to kill the Jews. Based on this
promise the Patriarch of Jerusalem sent letters to all the
Patriarchs to fulfill this promise. This was during the time of
Pope Andronikos, 37th pope of Alexandria. And since
the time of Andronikos, the Church of Alexandria fasts one week
prior to the Great Lent in fulfillment of this promise. See
The Katameros of the Great Lent, Serves the Sundays and
Weekdays of the Great Lent according to the Order of the Coptic
Orthodox Church (The Commission of Publication in the
Diocese of Beni-Suef, 1986), footnote 2, p26. [The word
“Katameros” is equivalent to the word
“Lectionary” and is derived from the Greek kata
meros.] What the Katameros failed to mention, as
written in the chronicles of Eutychius, is that all the other
churches stopped this fast after the death of Heraclius except
the Coptic Church. See L. Cheikho, B. Carra De Vaux, and H.
Zayyat, Eutychii Patriarchae Alexandrini Annales,
CSCO, vol 51, Ser. 3, T. 7, (Beryti E Typographeo Catholico,
1909), 7. Strangely enough though this incident has affected
the church fasting calendar, Severus Ibn-El-Muqafaa, bishop of
El-Ashmounien does not mention this important event in his
History of the Patriarchs. Though Severus mentions the
savagery of the Persian invasions he could have easily
commented on such an event. [Both references are for the life
of Pope Andronikos who these events occurred during his
tenure]. R. Graffin – F. Nau, History of the
Patriarchs of the Coptic Church of Alexandria (S. Mark to
Benjamon 1), Patrologia Orientalis Tomus Primus, II and
IV, B. Evetts, eds. (Librairie de Paris, 1907), 484-6. And C.F.
Seybold, Severus ben el-Muqafa’, Historia
patriarcharum Alexandrinorum, CSCO, vol 52, Ar.8 = Ar.
III, 9, T, (Beryti E Typograhes Catholics, 1904), 103-4. The
Synaxarium also does not mention any establishment of a new
fast in the Church in the life of Pope Andronikos,
37th pope of Alexandria, Tobe 8. This is considered
an important change in the liturgical calendar and should have
been mentioned in the life of a Patriarch. John of Nikiou also
does not make any reference to such an incident, even though he
wrote in great graphic details how Phocas, the Persian General,
raped Fabia, wife of Heraclius the younger, during the invasion
of the Persians to Constantinople. Charles, The Chronicle
of John of Nikiu, 167. Butler also does not make any
mention of such an event during his description of the attack
of the Persians on Alexandria and his reference to Andronikos.
Butler, 69-92. The History of the Patriarchs written
by Eusebius, bishop of Fuah, in the thirteenth century does not
mention any of these events either. See Eusebius, bishop of
Fuah, The History of the Patriarchs, Fr. Samuel the
Syrian and Nabih Kamel, ed. (n. d.), 48-9. It is relevant to
note that Eusebius is very dependent on the History of the
Patriarchs written by Severus, bishop of El-Ashmounien. Though
most of the early historians have attested to the collaboration
of the Jews with the Persian army in many provinces, the story
of the Jewish slaughter in Jerusalem is not mentioned anywhere.
In addition, the Coptic Church now does not account for the
extra week fasted before the Great Lent as the Week of
Heraclius but as days compensating the Sabbaths where
abstinence from food is prohibited. In conclusion, the
explanation of the Week of Heraclius raises more questions than
answers. It was only mentioned in the Melkite historian and
Patriarch Eutychius’ history and not mentioned in any of
the Coptic sources. In addition, the rest of the churches do
not follow this custom any more. The authenticity of such an
event needs further study. In connection with our topic, it is
most probable that the Copts simply fasted the three days of
Jonah in accordance with Pope Abraam’s wishes since he
was accustomed to keep this fast in Syria, and the Copts
willingly complied, simply because he proved such piety,
especially in the movement of the mountain.
When Pope Abraam was
elected, he observed this fast on the condition that the Copts
would participate in the Syrian fast of Jonah. The Copts agreed
because they admired his piety.
Ibid., 4.
It was agreed that the
Copts would observe this three-day fast fifteen days prior to
the Great Lent following the strict dietary rules of the Great
Lent.
The Copts observe the strictest fast during
the Great Lent and Fridays and Wednesdays and the Fast of
Jonah. No animal products are eaten during that time, not even
fish.
These additional ascetic observances that the
Copts follow are credited to Pope Abraam’s piety. It is a
piety beyond dogmatic rhetoric.
Six centuries later, in AD 1587, Pope
Gabriel VIII, Pope 97 of Alexandria, was ordained to the See of
St. Mark. He ordered that the Copts were not to fast the Fast
of Jonah, but after his death, this decree was reverted, and
the fast is still practiced to this day. It is important to
note that Pope Gabriel wanted to introduce other changes in the
fasts of the Coptic Church. He wanted to limit the Fast of the
Apostles to fourteen days (from Paone 21 – Epep 5). The
way this fast is calculated is that it begins the second day of
Pentecost and ends on Epep 5, the Feast of the Apostles Peter
and Paul. Therefore, the beginning of the fast is variable,
since Pentecost does not have a fixed day in the Liturgical
calendar. His attempts to change the date were with the
intention to limit the fast to two weeks ending on the Feast of
St. Paul and St. Peter. He also wanted to decrease the Advent
Fast by fifteen days. He also wanted to make the Fast of the
Virgin Mary voluntary. None of these changes endured. After his
death, the old custom was followed. Pashons 9. The History
of the Patriarchs writes two lines about Pope Gabriel
VIII. His birth name was Shenouda and became a monk in Skete.
In AM 1302, he became patriarch. His tenure lasted for fifteen
years, and he was buried in Skete. See O.H.E. Burmester,
History of the Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church Known as
the History of the Holy Church, by Sawirus Ibn Al-Mukaffa
Bishop of Al- Ashmunin, (AD 849-880), Vol. III Part III,
(Le Caire: Publications de la Société d’
Archéologie Copte, 1970), 159.
[18]
Another aspect of Coptic-Syriac relations evolved after the
Arab invasion. Both Copts and Syrians were forced to translate
their Christian literatures into a new language. Both churches
were faced with problem of finding Arabic terms that could
convey Christian theological ideas. The first resource of the
two churches had been to transliterate Greek words into Arabic
form. However, since Syriac is a Semitic language, the Syrians
found it very convenient to include some Syriac words as well
in their translation, adding a Christian dimension to the
meaning of the words. The Copts eventually borrowed from the
Syrians, enriching the Coptic-Arabic vocabulary with
“loan” Syriac words. These words became so much a
part of the language, that the average Copt is usually unaware
that these are Syriac loan words. As to the average Arab
reader, they sometimes think that these are Coptic loan words,
since they do not understand them, and since they are not found
in any Arabic dictionary. The Copts could have made use of only
Greek theological terms. They chose to include Syriac loan
words as well. This is an indication of the close relationship
between the Copts and Syrians.
[19] Here
are a few examples.
Graf’s study of Arabic Christian terms
needs to be updated and does not discuss the notion of
transmission of terms from one language to the other. Georg
Graf, Verzeichnis Arabischer Kirchlicher Termini, CSCO
vol.147, Tome 8, (Louvain: 1954). Blau’s work is also
useful: Joshua Blau, A Grammar of Christian Arabic, Based
Mainly on South Palestinian Texts from the first
Millennium, CSCO vol. 267, Sub, t. 27. Louvain, 1966.
Copts employ some monastic terms that are
loan words from Syriac. Copts use the Arabic deir for
“monastery” which comes from the Syriac
dayrâ. The Copts use this Syriac word, while
neither the Greek nor the Coptic words for monastery have
survived in current use. Another monastic term commonly used is
rubîtah which comes from the Syriac
rabbayta’ that is the title given to the
monastery manager.
Usually a different person than the abbot or
spiritual leader of the monastery.
The Arabic transliteration of the Greek
words oikonomos and sometimes egoumenos have
survived in some of the Arabic literature, but
rubîtah, the Syriac loan word, is the word
mostly used.
[20]
Copts employ some Syriac liturgical terms as well. The verb to
baptize ‘mad and u‘mid are from
the Syriac word
cmad. Both
‘mad, the act of baptism, and
ma’mudia are from the Syriac root. The latter
can also be used to describe the baptismal font. The Godfather
present during baptism is šbin and
ašbin from the Syriac
shawshbina.
The feminine Godmother is shebint
and ‘shebint derived from the same root.
These liturgical terms were borrowed from
the Syriac rather than Greek or Coptic.
[21]
Common and formal ecclesiastical terms borrowed from Syriac
include kahin derived from the Hebrew and also used by
the Syrians. The Copts also use the Arabic term qis
and qasis from the Syriac word qashysha. It
is the term of choice when using informal language. The Arabic
term šamâs, deacon, is derived from the
Syriac word shamesh. In Christian Arabic it is used to
refer to all non-priests who serve at the altar regardless of
their exact rank, whether cantor, reader, or sometimes even
deacon, though for the rank of deacon, the word
dîakûn derived from the Greek
diakonos is usually augmented to the word
šamâs to designate the specific rank of
deacon.
Those who are familiar with the old Egyptian
hieroglyphic language suggest that the word šamâs
is derived from the hieroglyphic šms which
means, “to follow, accompany.” See http://www.jimloy.com/hiero/e- dict16.htm for the
hieroglyphic inscription of šms. At first sight
this could be a plausible suggestion. However, the Coptic
Church thinks of those serving at the altar not as acolytes, or
altar boys following the priest and fulfilling his
demands, but rather as people who serve God. Thus the word
diakonos and its Syriac literal translation would be
more in accordance with the theological understanding of the
Coptic Church regarding the role of the deacon in the church.
[22]
Three other words frequently used by Copts are the Arabic
mâr “saint”, the Arabic
mîmar “homily” and the Arabic
tûba “blessed.” The term for
“Saint”, mâr, is derived from the
Syriac mar[i] and is attached to most saints’
names as well as the Arabic word qîdîs
derived from the Arabic root qds.
St. Mary, in the Syriac form, is also used
very often.
Both terms are
used in official language indiscriminately. For example it is
customary to say either mâr murqus or
alqîdîs murqus. The Arabic term for
“homily” mîmar derived from the
Syriac mēmrā is commonly used, though it is
primarily applied to early Christian homilies written by the
early Fathers of the Church. The third common word is the
blessedness used in the beatitudes—the Arabic
tûba derived from the Syriac
te’b. The word has a similar root in Hebrew, and
it is the only word used to express blessedness in the biblical
sense in the Arabic language. In every case a Syriac word was
chosen instead of a Coptic or Greek term. This is a simple
demonstration of the impact of Coptic-Syriac relations beyond
dogmatic rhetoric.
[23] Both
Orthodox Churches stem from two of the oldest civilizations of
the world. The two Churches share a common history in many
respects. Both Churches constantly experienced the presence of
vibrant Jewish communities. Both Churches shared a Greco-Roman
heritage that influenced many aspects of religious and social
life. Historically they were influenced by the Romans, Greeks,
Persians, Arabs, Turks, British, and French. Each culture left
its stamp on the religious practice of both Churches. The
geographical proximity of these two Churches led to an
extraordinary exchange of ideas and religious figures. All of
these points need further scholarly investigation, because
these factors shaped the present Coptic and Syriac Churches,
and shaped the relationship between them. Other topics of
investigation might include liturgy, monastic exchange, and
religious and cultural influence.
Fiey discusses the role of Deir El-Suryan
and other monastic exchanges between Copts and Syrians. Fiey,
323-331. Maybe Syriac sources will shed more light on this.
I would also be interested
in an examination of the relationship between the two Churches
from the Syriac perspective, from Syriac liturgical sources,
and the possible impact of the Coptic Church on the Syrian. The
present good relationship between the two Churches is not only
based on theological agreement, though of course this is a
crucial factor. Even though the Coptic Church shares
theological agreements with other Churches, e.g. the Armenian
and the Ethiopian, the relationship between the Coptic and
Syriac Churches has a special dynamic. I hope that this will be
a starting point for further research.
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